HUQUQ

Proxy wars: could the US end up supporting al-Qaeda-like groups in Syria?

2012-02-09T17:39:00.000-08:00

http://www.opendemocracy.net/ahmed-e-souaiaia/proxy-wars-could-us-end-up-supporting-al-qaeda-like-groups-in-syria

Syrian state-controlled media blames most of the deaths on armed groups (which it calls terrorists). These allegations have awakened Russia’s dormant–but not forgotten–memory of the Saudi-American alliance that created the Mujahidin networks in Afghanistan, which in turn defeated the Soviet Union.

http://www.opendemocracy.net/ahmed-e-souaiaia/proxy-wars-could-us-end-up-supporting-al-qaeda-like-groups-in-syria

Some politicians in the first democratic government of Tunisia

2012-01-03T11:22:00.000-08:00

The three parties in the new coalition government of Tunisia have months, not years, to deliver on unemployment, political reform and economic growth.
read article:

http://www.opendemocracy.net/ahmed-e-souaiaia/some-politicians-in-first-democratic-government-of-tunisia

The Gulf Cooperative Council and the Arab Spring

2011-12-27T11:43:00.000-08:00

The Gulf Cooperative Council and the Arab Spring

Asia Times Online :: Apathy in the face of cruelty

2011-12-14T08:39:00.000-08:00

Asia Times Online :: Apathy in the face of cruelty

Since the start of the Libyan uprising, mainstream news outlets have reported that African and even Eastern European mercenaries were fighting with Muammar Gaddafi's forces. The Libyan rebels, eager to minimize any support for Gaddafi among the Libyan population, have fed Western media horror stories of mass murder carried out by black Africans.

Consequently, many immigrant workers were caught between the ire of a regime that did not care much for them and a new wave of prejudice and discrimination fueled by the media and rebel propaganda. The fact that some foreigners fought for the regime

does not tell the full story. Most African immigrants were unwilling participants in a war that no one had anticipated.

In order to understand the presence of so many Africans and non-Africans in Libya, one must understand the role played by the former dictator.

Using Libya's large oil revenues as if they constituted his personal fortune, Gaddafi engaged in meddling in the affairs of his neighbors, supporting nationalist movements, and conspiring to overthrow regimes he did not like.

He also used immigrant workers to blackmail his neighbors. In the 1980s and 1990s Gaddafi gave hundreds of thousands of Tunisian workers hours, not days, to leave the country empty-handed. The sudden "dumping" of workers without their earnings was meant to create economic and social crisis for neighboring governments.

It was his way of punishing the Tunisian authoritarians Bourguiba and Ben Ali. He used the same tactic with the Egyptians. But Gaddafi's most bizarre achievement was coaxing some European leaders to use him as a gatekeeper, in charge of preventing Africans from reaching the shores of Europe.

Speaking at a ceremony in Rome on August 31, 2010 and standing next to (then) Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi, Gaddafi declared:

Reasoned Comments: The “very scary” Iranian Terror plot

2011-10-13T08:37:00.000-07:00

Reasoned Comments: The “very scary” Iranian Terror plot: BY GLENN GREENWALD The most difficult challenge in writing about the Iranian Terror Plot unveiled yesterday is to take it seriously eno...

Reasoned Comments: Military is trickle-feeding democracy to change-hu...

2011-09-30T07:33:00.000-07:00

Reasoned Comments: Military is trickle-feeding democracy to change-hu...: by Ahmed E. SOUAIAIA* It is not quite clear if the Egyptian military rulers are miser politicians or experts in brinkmanship. Whatev...

UN independent panel rules Israel blockade of Gaza illegal

2011-09-13T17:33:00.001-07:00

Report to UN Human Rights Council by five independent UN rights experts contradicts findings of Palmer Report that Israel used 'unreasonable force' in 2010 raid on Gaza flotilla, but that naval-blockade of Gaza legal.

The so-called Palmer Report on the Israeli raid of May 2010 that killed nine Turkish activists said earlier this month that Israel had used unreasonable force in last year's raid, but its naval blockade of the Hamas-ruled strip was legal.

A panel of five independent UN rights experts reporting to the UN Human Rights Council rejected that conclusion, saying the blockade had subjected Gazans to collective punishment in "flagrant contravention of international human rights and humanitarian law."

The four-year blockade deprived 1.6 million Palestinians living in the enclave of fundamental rights, they said.

"In pronouncing itself on the legality of the naval blockade, the Palmer Report does not recognize the naval blockade as an integral part of Israel's closure policy towards Gaza which has a disproportionate impact on the human rights of civilians," they said in a joint statement.

An earlier fact-finding mission named by the same UN forum to investigate the flotilla incident also found in a report last September that the blockade violated international law. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) says the blockade violates the Geneva Conventions.

Israel says its Gaza blockade is a precaution against arms reaching Hamas and other Palestinian guerrillas by sea.

The four-man panel headed by former New Zealand Prime Minister Geoffrey Palmer found Israel had used unreasonable force in dealing with what it called "organized and violent resistance from a group of passengers."

Turkey has downgraded ties with Israel over the incident.

Richard Falk, UN special rapporteur on human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories and one of the five experts who issued Tuesday's statement, said the Palmer report's conclusions were influenced by a desire to salve Turkish-Israeli ties.

"The Palmer report was aimed at political reconciliation between Israel and Turkey. It is unfortunate that in the report politics should trump the law," he said in the statement.

About one-third of Gaza's arable land and 85 percent of its fishing waters are totally or partially inaccessible due to Israeli military measures, said Olivier De Schutter, UN special rapporteur on the right to food, another of the five.

At least two-thirds of Gazan households lack secure access to food, he said. "People are forced to make unacceptable trade-offs, often having to choose between food or medicine or water for their families."

The other three experts were the UN special rapporteurs on physical and mental health, extreme poverty and human rights, and access to water and sanitation.

The Arab leaders and the myth of exceptionalism

2011-09-01T14:05:00.000-07:00

by Ahmed E. Souaiaia* To preserve their rule, Arab leaders have relied on two arguments: they are needed to keep Islamism under control and ... (originally published on SOUAIAIA)... their rule must be extended to preserve stability and prevent anarchy. The first was intended to secure the support of world leaders, especially the West. The second was meant to blackmail their own peoples. By relying on these two excuses for their protracted rule, they asserted a tired claim to exceptionalism: they are aptitudinally different from the people they govern; they are uniquely reasonable and their people are not; they are exceptionally enlightened in a sea of people still living the dark ages; they are decidedly the saviors of the people from the people.

In order to preserve international support and legitimacy, Arab leaders have highlighted and exaggerated what they dubbed the threat of Islamic extremism. Interested in short-term solutions, the West accepted this hypothesis and offered stanch support for authoritarians in Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Jordan, Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Yemen, Bahrain, Kuwait, UAE, and Oman. Even in the case of Syria, where the Assad family did not have as cozy of a relationship with the West, many foreign governments still grudgingly supported it fearing the alternatives.

Domestically, the Arab leaders overplayed the Arabic cultural norm that shunned anarchy and chaos. They portrayed their continuous rule as the single most important gift that preserves stability and prevents anarchy and civil war. In Arab countries where ethnic and religious minorities have lived, the rulers presented themselves as their protectors. For instance, in Iraq, Saddam portrayed his regime as the protector of Sunni and Christian minorities against the tyranny of a Shi`i majority. So did the Assad regime, which has convinced the Alawite, Druze, Assyrian, and Christian minorities to link their fate to the Baath party, which is dominated by the Alawites.

Mubarak had done the same in Egypt: he exaggerated the Muslim Brethren’s threat to Cops and secular Egyptians and acted as though he was the sole voice of reason in a country populated by fanatics. As a signatory to the Camp David Accord, the West’s support was unwavering.

With every falling dictator however, fear and blackmail were overcome. After the fall of Ben Ali, Tunisians did not kill each other. In fact, it was the remnants of the regime that resorted to violence and intimidation to make their master’s prediction come true. But it did not. Egyptian Muslims did not kill Cops and the Muslim Brethren did not take over the country with guns blazing. In Libya, the fall of the dictator did not bring in a wave of revenge. Rather, it is Qadhafi who incited violence when he called on tribes to fight other tribes to preserve his legacy.

Syria’s Assad needs to learn quickly: he is not the savior of Syria from Syrians and no single Syrian life should be lost to keep him in office. He is not better than any other Syrian. He is not the only one keeper of peace. And he is not the guarantor of stability. He has days, if not hours, to act. The only way to prevent further anarchy and civil war is for him to announce a specific timetable that leads to free and transparent elections. Such elections should produce an elected body vested with the power to do four things. First, it should appoint a transition government. Second, it should draft a new constitution. Third, it should fix a timetable for a referendum on the new constitution. Lastly, it should oversee parliamentarian and presidential elections according to the new constitution.

The two reasons that preserved the Arab rulers in the past are now outdated. The Islamist bogyman does not scare Westerners as it used to do in the past and anarchy is already underway in Syria. It may be the case that some extremists with sectarian agenda are doing harm; but millions of ordinary Syrians yearn for a government that represents them and respects their dignity. In the name of these and every hardworking Syrian, in the name of every Syrian with dreams, Assad can start the real change by appointing a new coalition government led by representatives of the real opposition and the current government to enable a smooth transition.

Assad can no longer reform a system that has been seen as the symbol of oppression and authoritarianism. He already admitted that reform was needed and oven overdue. He can now act on this reality and transfer power peacefully and become the first Arab ruler to do so. If not, he will face the same fate—the fate of Ben Ali, Mubarak, and Qadhafi. After all, his so-called virtuous stances in support of Arab and Islamic causes do not absolve him of the more dangerous pathology from which all Arab leaders, including him, have suffered: the delusion of grandeur and exceptionalism.

* Prof. SOUAIAIA teaches at the University of Iowa. Opinions expressed herein are the author’s, speaking as a citizen on matters of public interest; not speaking for the university or any other organization with which he is affiliated.

Shocking new details of US STD experiments in Guatemala

2011-08-30T12:19:00.000-07:00

Fresh revelations about 1940s medical tests come to light, including deliberately exposing people to sexually transmitted diseases

Guatemalan president Alvaro Colom received an apology last year from US president Barack Obama. Photograph: Daniel Leclair / Reuters/REUTERS

Shocking new details of US medical experiments done in Guatemala in the 1940s, including a decision to re-infect a dying woman in a syphilis study, have been disclosed by a presidential panel.

The Guatemala experiments are already considered one of the darker episodes of medical research in US history, but panel members say the new information indicates that researchers were unusually unethical, even when placed into the historical context of a different era.

"The researchers put their own medical advancement first and human decency a far second," said Anita Allen, a member of the Presidential Commission for the Study of Bioethical Issues.

From 1946-48, the US Public Health Service and the Pan American Sanitary Bureau worked with several Guatemalan government agencies on medical research paid for by the US government that involved deliberately exposing people to sexually transmitted diseases.

The researchers apparently were trying to see if penicillin, then relatively new, could prevent infections in the 1,300 people exposed to syphilis, gonorrhea or chancroid. Those infected included soldiers, prostitutes, prisoners and mental patients with syphilis.

The commission revealed on Monday that only about 700 of those infected received some sort of treatment. Eighty-three people died, although it's not clear if the deaths were directly due to the experiments.

The research came up with no useful medical information, according to some experts. It was hidden for decades but came to light last year after a Wellesley College medical historian discovered records among the papers of Dr John Cutler, who led the experiments.

President Barack Obama called Guatemala's president, Alvaro Colom, to apologise. He also ordered his bioethics commission to review the Guatemala experiments. That work is nearly done. Though the final report is not due until next month, commission members discussed some of the findings at a meeting on Monday in Washington.

They revealed that some of the experiments were more shocking than was previously known.

For example, seven women with epilepsy, who were housed at Guatemala's Asilo de Alienados (Home for the Insane), were injected with syphilis below the back of the skull, a risky procedure. The researchers thought the new infection might somehow help cure epilepsy. The women each got bacterial meningitis, probably as a result of the unsterile injections, but were treated.

Perhaps the most disturbing details involved a female syphilis patient with an undisclosed terminal illness. The researchers, curious to see the impact of an additional infection, infected her with gonorrhea in her eyes and elsewhere. Six months later she died.

Dr Amy Gutmann, head of the commission, described the case as "chillingly egregious".

During that time, other researchers were also using people as human guinea pigs, in some cases infecting them with illnesses. Studies weren't as regulated then, and the planning-on-the-fly feel of Cutler's work was not unique, some experts have noted.

But panel members concluded that the Guatemala research was bad even by the standards of the time. They compared the work to a 1943 experiment by Cutler and others in which prison inmates were infected with gonorrhea in Indiana. The inmates were volunteers who were told what was involved in the study and gave their consent. Many of the Guatemalan participants received no such explanation and did not give informed consent, the commission said.

The commission is working on a second report examining federally funded international studies to make sure current research is being done ethically. That report is expected at the end of the year.

Meanwhile, the Guatemalan government has vowed to carry out its own investigation into the Cutler study. A spokesman for the vice-president Rafael Espada said the report should be done by November.

Damming the stream of the Arab spring

2011-08-25T06:37:00.000-07:00

Damming the stream of the Arab spring

by Ahmed E. Souaiaia

After months of fighting, the Libyan rebels entered Tripoli, the capital from which Muammar Qadhafi had ruled for more than 40 years. What will become of Libya is significant not only for the Libyan people but also for the world. The consensus among world leaders regarding the need for him to depart should not be understood to mean that they also agree on the reasons why he should step down. The context and subtext are complex. The Libyan uprising can be soundly understood when taken in comparison to other events taking place around the world.

World leaders and international affairs experts worry that the fall of Qadhafi will be marked by instability and infighting, increasing the potential for a humanitarian crisis in Libya. Many ordinary Arabs, hopeful for a future better than the past, contend that the fall of Qadhafi will not only usher in an era or freedom and stability for a country rich in natural and human resources, but it will also inspire reluctant peoples in the rest of the Arab world to overthrow the brutal despots and authoritarians.

Journalists and pundits are already picking the next stop of the train of freedom that is journeying across the Arab world. Is Syria next? Or is it Yemen? Perhaps it will be Bahrain? And what about the rest of the Arab regimes?

To answer these and other questions, one must consider the circumstances and the cultural and political environment for each country. Indeed, in each of the three countries that succeeded in overthrowing the rulers, the people rose up because they have specific grievances and particular goals. But the revolution and the post revolution events too were different from country to country.

In the case of Tunisia, disregard of human dignity broke the hold of fear and brought thousands of Tunisians to the streets. In less than one month, the Tunisian dictator was forced out. However, he left behind a well entrenched partisan institution that had monopolized its hold on power and bureaucracy. While low and midlevel partisans continued to run the state's bureaucracies, the top level state leaders are diehard Bourguibists--if not remnants of Ben Ali's regime. The post-revolution transition was guided by the old regime's constitution and the interim president was a member of Ben Ali's party. Despite the rhetoric, the regime seemed to be unable or unwilling to transition within the timeline allowed to a post-Ben Ali era. The elections that were supposed to be held in July were postponed until October and the institutions that were supposed to realize the demands of the revolution became engaged in partisan disputes despite the allusion of "independence."

The Egyptians have already attempted to force the regime to reform months before the Tunisian revolution. But Mubarak's regime was able to take back with its left hand what its right hand offered in the form of concessions. For instance, while the regime allowed independents (mostly supporters of the Muslim Brethren) and representatives of other smaller parties to contest parliamentarian elections, the regime enacted election laws that made it all but impossible to compete with the ruling party.

Moreover, the regime routinely arrested opposition leaders before elections further disadvantaging their parties and preventing them from making any significant gains. Additionally, the regime used the perpetual emergency laws to arbitrarily arrest political dissenters, intimidate journalists, and deny the establishment of key political parties. Lastly, there was ample evidence that the regime was preparing to either have the 82-year old Mubarak to run for another term or to bequeath his powers to his son, Jamal.

The Tunisian people's success inspired the Egyptian people to commit to fight not only for political reform but to overthrow Mubark. In less than one month, Mubarak fell but he, too, left behind the leaders of the armed forces--the institution that protected his rule all these years--in charge. Consequently, change was slow and the military seemed keen to protect its interests and preserve its power. They promised elections but they refused to fix a definite timeline. They amended the constitution and asked people to approve the changes in a referendum but they pushed to establish another legal document that would govern the elections if not predetermine its outcome.

On February 17, the Libyan uprising broke out in all major cities. Quickly, Qadhafi's regime used brute force to crush the uprising and he did so in Tripoli. However, as he prepared to send his troops to the eastern part of the country, key regime figures sided with the protesters who by then took control of the city of Benghazi. As Qadhafi and his son Saif al-Islam threatened the use of force to kill the protesters whom they called "rats," the protesters turned into armed rebels. While Qadhafi forces marched east, the UN approved a resolution authorizing NATO to take all necessary measures to protect civilians. Subsequently, NATO imposed a no-fly zone and started bombing Qadhafi's troops who were threatening Benghazi. In the meantime, the newly established National Transitional Council appointed members of the Executive Transitional Council to act as an interim cabinet. The emerging military and political leadership eased the fear of the Libyans as well as the concerns of world leaders who feared chaos and the rise of Islamist groups. The hope for the emergence of a democratic Libya and the resentment of a regime led by an unstable, quixotic dictator both contributed to uniting rebels with different agendas. However, the post-Qadhafi era will be more significant than the revolution itself.

With the fall of these three regimes, we are left with three different models. It is tempting to use them as predictors of the outcome of future uprisings across the Arab world; but it will be a mistake to do so. Indeed, the loss of dignity and respect felt by the Arab masses remains the most powerful force that drives millions to face death while challenging these brutal regimes.

The Arab rulers oppress but they seldom oppress impulsively or reflexively. In fact, they oppress selectively and systematically. They use one ethnic, religious, or political group against one another. They use fear as a tool to control and subdue. They manufacture narratives for national identities to divide peoples and to preserve their rule. The more blatant the narrative the more indignant the people would feel. That is what generally determines the extent and context of uprisings.

The Arab Spring has produced a powerful force capable of flooding the entire world with change—not just the Arab or Islamic worlds. For now however, all eyes will be on Syria, Yemen, Bahrain, and Jordan.

Syria is similar to Tunisia and Egypt in some respects but different from them in other aspects. But it is radically different from Libya. But let’s face it: no country in the world is like Libya under Qadhafi—except perhaps North Korea. Qadhafi is a delusional, megalomaniac who forced everyone in the country to live in his shadow. He declared himself the king of African kings and the leader of Arab leaders. He suffocated his people and assassinated their creativity. He is like no other Arab leader. Assad, on the other hand is an educated and articulate man with whom one can reason. He recognized that he needs to reform and he seemed interested in doing so. But no one will believe him until he acts on those promises and sets a timetable for actual and real change.

Moreover, the Syrian regime is a functional bureaucracy more like the Chinese model. Although the Assad family plays a critical role in the leadership, the Baath party is the ideological entity whose membership includes individuals from all social groups, classes, and professions. Baathism, after all, as an expression of Arab nationalism, provided the ideological platform for other Arab countries including Iraq. In fact, it was under this ideology that Egypt and Syria once flirted with the idea of a unified Arab republic. That can’t be said about Qadhafi and his “green book” drivel.

Given these differences, some Western leaders’ call on Assad to step down seemed naïve. In Syria, the Syrian opposition is very fragmented and they lack the experience to run a country that is fractured along ethnic and religious lines. Syria’s proximity to Iraq (a country still recovering from war), Israel (with whom it has theoretically an active war front), and Turkey (who is yet to solve its Kurdish problem) make it a country that is of utter significance to the region and to the world. The best scenario for Syria is to continue the pressure on the current regime until it consents to hold free and transparent elections and gradually transition to a pluralist system.

Yemen saw a glimpse of a post-Saleh era and with it came a period of relative stability. After Ali Saleh was wounded, he was taken to Saudi Arabia for treatment. While away, relative calm was observed in the streets and the opposition groups were prepared to work with Saleh’s deputy to transition to a new era. Then, Saleh returned and so did the protests and the violence. The tribal structure makes Yemen a very volatile country and for that reason Saleh needs to step down in favor of a more representative government that embraces the separation of powers. For months, he resisted because the Saudis and the Americans seem to favor him over any other alternative.

Bahrain is more like an outpost for the Saudis. For that reason, Saudi Arabia had sent its military to put down the first uprising. But there is no indication that the protesters are willing to abandon their quest for social justice and dignity. There is room for compromise whereby the Shi`ite majority can accept a monarch with very limited powers. But cosmetic changes such as the ones suggested by the monarch will not silence the people of Bahrain forever.

In Morocco, the King called for a revised constitution and many people seemed to like the changes. However, the main test will be the outcome of the coming parliamentarian elections to be held within months. If the same faces and the same parties continue to exert a monopoly on the political life and if the king continues to control key ministries, more people will take to the streets and this time they will demand the overthrow of the king, not just political reform.

Most interesting is the Saudi handling of the Arab Spring. First, the Saudis appeared to choose Ben Ali over the Tunisian people. They offered him sanctuary and refused to extradite him to stand trial—although there is no evidence that the Tunisian interim government requested it. In short, the Saudis were not in favor of the regime change in Tunisia.

They also took the same stance on Mubarak. When the US administration finally made its mind and called on Egyptian ruler to step down, the Saudis were irked. In fact, they showed their displeasure by unilaterally sending troops to crush the uprising in Bahrain. In all these three instances, the Saudis appeared to be interested in preventing the flood of change or at least in slowing it down. In reality, the Saudis feared an ideological Arab Spring more than they feared change itself. This was evident from their reaction and role in igniting and supporting the Syrian and Libyan revolutions.

To be sure, the Saudis and their Gulf allies were among the first to condemn the Libyan and Syrian regimes for their treatment of the protesters. In fact, it was bewildering to learn that Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Qatar were among the 24 members of the UN Human Rights Council that called on the Syrian regime to stop the “brutal treatment” of their respective peoples and end the military crackdown. This position is peculiar given that it was Saudi Arabia that sent troops to Bahrain to support a regime that killed and jailed thousands.

Clearly, the Saudis and their allies feared an ideological Arab revolution that is motivated by disdain for the so-called moderate Arab governments. The Syrian uprising did at least two things for the Gulf States. First, it limited the influence of the so-called camp of resistance (mumana`ah). Second, it slowed the pace of change especially after many activists started social network sites calling for protests in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, and UAE. The Saudi rulers moved on all fronts: they pumped more money into social programs helping youths with housing and marriage stipends, they encouraged Salafi groups to rise up in Syria and Iraq, and they banned protest condemning it as forbidden under Islamic law.

Ultimately, the Saudis, the Qataris, the Jordanians, and the Moroccans should know that slowing down the Arab revolutions is not the same as stopping them. In fact, if Syrian and Libya are transformed into stable representative governments, the authoritarian Gulf regimes will be the only holdouts. Their influence will diminish and their rhetoric will haunt just as did their support of puritan religious groups in Afghanistan who turned into a case of chicken coming home to roost.

Undoubtedly, the Arab spring has impacted other countries beyond the Arab world. The demonstrations in Britain, Israel, Spain, and Greece show how contagious social change can be in the age of virtual social media and open access to information. But as change takes hold of the Arab and Islamic worlds, the West too will be forced to change its ways in dealing with Muslims. This is an era where the interests of the peoples will dictate the actions of their leaders. When Arab governments are forced to actually value the life and dignity of the peoples they lead, the West needs to change its ways. It would need to be mindful of all humans’ yearning for dignity and respect; the first step in that direction is to monitor the pulse of the massesnot the temperament of the leaders.

* Ahmed Souaiaia, teaches classes in the department of Religious Studies, International Programs and College of Law at the University of Iowa. Opinions expressed herein are the author’s, speaking as a citizen on matters of public interest; not speaking for the University or any other organization with which he is affiliated.

PM Erdoğan says Turkey ran out of ‘Ramadan patience' for PKK terror

2011-08-17T08:18:00.000-07:00

In defiance and condemnation of the killing of seven soldiers by the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in an ambush on Wednesday, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said Turkey has run out patience for terror despite their respect for the Islamic holy month of Ramadan.

“We have run out of the patience that we showed during Ramadan. We are at a point where words fail,” Erdoğan said on Wednesday afternoon following an urgent meeting held by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) regarding the famine and drought that has been sweeping Somalia in İstanbul.

Responding to questions from reporters after the meeting, Erdoğan reiterated his earlier remarks against the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy (BDP), implicitly accusing the party of failing to distance itself from the PKK. “Those who fail to distance themselves from the PKK will also pay the price for that,” he said.

Asked whether Turkey is pondering a cross-border operation in Iraq against PKK bases in the Kandil Mountains, Erdoğan said, “From now on, nothing will be discussed but done.”

“We will not leave that region [the Southeast] and those people to the separatist terrorist organization,” Erdoğan added.

Erdoğan on Sunday lashed out at the PKK for killing Turkish soldiers even during Ramadan. “We are maintaining our patience because of our respect for Ramadan. But, everyone should know that the beginning of peace will be more different after this month of peace and solidarity,” Erdoğan said. Three days after Erdoğan's remarks, PKK terrorists killed seven soldiers in the Çukurca district of the southeastern province of Hakkari in an ambush.

However, President Abdullah Gül said on Monday that Turkey is not waiting for the end of Ramadan to take action against the PKK as counterterrorism efforts are under way and in full swing.

SOUAIAIA: Arab spring going global

2011-08-16T12:52:00.000-07:00

SOUAIAIA: Arab spring going global: "Eight months ago, while discussing the Arab revolutions with a friend and colleague, an expert in Jewish Studies, I told him that the Arab S..."

SOUAIAIA: The Foundation of Supremacy: Racializing Human Act...

2011-08-03T11:15:00.000-07:00

SOUAIAIA: The Foundation of Supremacy: Racializing Human Act...: "I vividly remember the day of the Oklahoma bombing. Not because of the news reports—I was too busy with work and school to watch the news. C..."

SOUAIAIA: Realignment of the Arab world in the light of the ...

2011-05-15T14:31:00.000-07:00

SOUAIAIA: Realignment of the Arab world in the light of the ...: "In another sign of nervousness resulting from the mounting pressure put by the Arab revolts on authoritarian rulers, members of the ..."

Bin Laden Raid Revives Debate on Value of Torture

2011-05-04T08:16:00.000-07:00

By SCOTT SHANE and CHARLIE SAVAGE

WASHINGTON — Did brutal interrogations produce the crucial intelligence that led to the killing of Osama bin Laden?

As intelligence officials disclosed the trail of evidence that led to the compound in Pakistan where Bin Laden was hiding, a chorus of Bush administration officials claimed vindication for their policy of “enhanced interrogation techniques” like waterboarding.

Among them was John Yoo, a former Justice Department official who wrote secret legal memorandums justifying brutal interrogations. “President Obama can take credit, rightfully, for the success today,” Mr. Yoo wrote Monday in National Review, “but he owes it to the tough decisions taken by the Bush administration.”

But a closer look at prisoner interrogations suggests that the harsh techniques played a small role at most in identifying Bin Laden’s trusted courier and exposing his hide-out. One detainee who apparently was subjected to some tough treatment provided a crucial description of the courier, according to current and former officials briefed on the interrogations. But two prisoners who underwent some of the harshest treatment — including Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, who was waterboarded 183 times — repeatedly misled their interrogators about the courier’s identity.

The discussion of what led to Bin Laden’s demise has revived a national debate about torture that raged during the Bush years. The former president and many conservatives argued for years that force was necessary to persuade Qaeda operatives to talk. Human rights advocates, and Mr. Obama as he campaigned for office, said the tactics were torture, betraying American principles for little or nothing of value.

Glenn L. Carle, a retired C.I.A. officer who oversaw the interrogation of a high-level detainee in 2002, said in a phone interview Tuesday, that coercive techniques “didn’t provide useful, meaningful, trustworthy information.” He said that while some of his colleagues defended the measures, “everyone was deeply concerned and most felt it was un-American and did not work.”

Read full article

Bahrain: Still fighting for change

2011-04-29T17:29:00.000-07:00

Bahrainis who were featured in a recent episode of People & Power have now either been arrested or are in hiding.

People and Power Last Modified: 05 Apr 2011 14:15

Hasan Mushaima, Ali Abdelemam, Sayed Ahmed al-Wedaie and Ibrahim Sharif have either been arrested or are in hiding after they were interviewed on Bahrain: Fighting for change

On March 9, 2011, Al Jazeera English broadcast an episode of People & Power profiling the February 14th Youth Movement protesting at Bahrain's Pearl Roundabout.

Since then everyone who was interviewed on the programme has either been arrested or is in hiding. We are receiving messages detailing how they are moving from house to house to avoid capture and texts saying "help us, help us".

Sayed Ahmed al-Wedaie says he was attacked by police

Al Jazeera's team had met Sayed Ahmed al-Wedaie on Pearl Roundabout a month ago. He was excited about the prospect of democratic change and keen to explain what had brought him out to protest.

He had already suffered at the hands - or rather, boots - of the police.

He told us he was attacked while sleeping at the roundabout and that the police kicked and hit him.

"At least 10 policemen attacked me and continued hitting, hitting. I was bleeding, I was tasting my own blood. The only thing that stopped them was that I pretended I was completely dead," he said.

After appearing on the programme al-Wedaie was arrested while driving near the airport on March 15. For three days no-one knew what had happened to him. When his parents eventually saw him at a police station on March 18, his face was a mess of bruises and he could barely walk. He told them that police had had to take him to hospital after beating him so badly on his first day in custody.

He had already foreseen what was likely to happen to him for speaking out. In the programme he said: "We are going to be destroyed by all means. They'll target us one by one, one by one. Whoever appeared on camera, standing brave enough to tell the world 'we don't want this regime ...' will be a target in the future. I think it will be really dangerous."

There has been no charge against al-Wedaie. The police originally threatened to charge him with murder but now, his brother says, he may be taken to a military court to answer charges of having an ornamental knife in the borrowed car he was driving when he was arrested - a charge that could see him serve three years in prison.

State of emergency

The Bahraini government has arrested more than 300 opponents of the regime since the imposition of the state of emergency on March 15. But they do not want the wider world knowing about this.

On March 28, the military public prosecutor imposed a media gag, banning "any publishing, through print, audio, video and online media, based on the requirements of discretion and commitment to the principle of confidential investigation" - in line, it says, with the state of emergency.

On Wednesday, March 30, masked men in seven police cars descended on the home of Nabeel Rajab, a prominent human rights defender in Bahrain, when he was being interviewed by a CNN crew. They were all detained; the CNN crew was kept for four hours.

Bahrain had stopped production of its main opposition newspaper Al-Wasat [Reuters]

And on Saturday the only independent newspaper in Bahrain, Al-Wasat, was instructed by the Information Affairs Authority (IAA) not to publish its Sunday edition.

A Bahrain TV programme accused Al-Wasat of maliciously publishing misleading information which directly and deliberately posed a real threat to the kingdom's security and stability.

After the programme, publication of the newspaper was suspended and its officials were referred for investigation.

Al-Wasat is a rare mouthpiece for independent and opposition views. It had come under physical attack before and was struggling to keep getting the paper out.

Editor Mansoor al-Jamri had been threatened many times. On Sunday, he and the managing editor resigned in an attempt to save the paper. Al-Wasat came out today with a new editor and managing editor, but people on the ground say it is already clear that it is not the same paper it was before.

A leading journalist in the country said that newspapers and TV in Bahrain are controlled by the ruling family and the IAA is not under parliamentary supervision but reports directly to the king. It has close associations with the National Security Agency, whose deputy head is now head of the IAA. "The Bahrain News Agency (BNA) and the IAA are an integral part of the National Security Agency. News agencies like Al Jazeera are not tolerated and those who speak to them are deemed terrorists and traitors," the journalist said.

From the start of the protests in February the government made it difficult for foreign journalists to get visas for themselves and their equipment to enter Bahrain. One journalist who is currently in Manama and did not want to be named, said it is almost impossible to move around with a camera as the town has many checkpoints and drivers are scared to take them.

He described how some key places are particularly protected from prying eyes. At Salmaniya Hospital, for example, which has been the scene of state security brutality against medical staff and abduction of patients and which is still ringed with security forces, it is impossible to film. The roofs of buildings surrounding the hospital have been closed off and residents living there have been warned not to let journalists enter. Similar constraints have been placed on hotels where journalists are staying.

Meanwhile the clampdown continues, increasingly un-covered by the media. The Bahrain Human Rights Council reports that 370 people have been arrested since the imposition of the emergency law on March 15. Seventeen of the estimated 24 people who have been killed since the protests started, have died since March 15.

So-called citizen journalists are continuing to expose the brutality meted out against unarmed Bahraini youth.

Sayed Ahmed al-Wedaie understands what happens when no-one is watching. Now there is media present in the country, but later there will be no-one to see and report what goes on behind bars.

Source:Al Jazeera

SOUAIAIA: Are Arab World Revolutions different?

2011-04-26T07:32:00.000-07:00

SOUAIAIA: Are Arab World Revolutions different?: "Family members mourn during a funeral for slain anti-government protester Ali Ahmed al Muameen on February 18, 2011 in Sitra, Bahrai..."

by Ahmed E. Souaiaia*

When the first demonstration took place in Sidi Bouzid after Tarek (Mohamed) Elbouazizi ignited the Arab revolutions by setting himself on fire in protest, the Tunisian government played down the event claiming that it was a local matter. Two weeks later, the protests became an uprising and spread to most Tunisian provinces forcing the head of the authoritarian regime, Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali, to seek refuge in Saudi Arabia.

Before the dust had settled in Tunis, another uprising was launched in Egypt. The Egyptian regime argued that Tunisia is not like Egypt and Mubarak is not like Ben Ali. Less than eighteen days later, Mubarak was forced to hand over power to a military council and two months later he, some of his family members, and key members of his regime were arrested and jailed while charges of corruption and murder of protesters were being investigated.

Even before the fall of the Egyptian regime, massive protests in three other Arab countries were underway.

In Yemen, millions of people crowded public squares chanting, “al-shaab urid isqat al-nizam” [the people want to bring down the regime]. Despite the similarities, the Yemeni president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, declared that he was going to finish his term in office insisting that Yemen is not like Tunisia or Egypt. After weeks of protests, many military, police, and political officials abandoned Saleh and announced their support for the “youth’s revolution.” As this piece is being written (April 23, 2011), Saleh has accepted a compromise plan developed by the Gulf states that offers him immunity in exchange for transferring power to his deputy in thirty days. The protesters are likely to reject the idea of immunity for Saleh and his henchmen, especially after contemplating the rise of civilian casualties killed by Saleh’s security forces.

In Bahrain, protests that paralyzed the small kingdom were brutally put down by a Saudi and Emarati military forces that began its intervention by destroying the monument near which the protesters had set camp. The Bahraini King’s government followed that by declaring a state of emergency. Human rights groups have released numerous reports detailing the brutality of the Bahraini regime during and after the first wave of protests. Nonetheless, Bahrain rulers, too, insisted that the demonstrations in their country are different from those in Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen. They contended that it was sectarian tension stoked by Shi`i Iran.

After the fall of Mubarak, it would seem that nervous Arab authoritarians are inclined to do whatever is necessary to stop or at least slow down the revolutions. Therefore, the Gulf rulers decided to draw a line in the sand of Bahrain: they decided to take the side of the King instead of siding with the people.

The Libyan leader, Muammar Qadhafi, was hoping that the Arab leaders would stand by him as well. It must be recalled, however, that the Libyan self-styled leader faulted the Tunisian people for ousting Ben Ali. He argued that Ben Ali was a good leader and he should have been allowed to serve his full term. Naturally, then, when demonstrations broke in his country, Qadhafi was determined to crush any uprising arguing the same thing: Libya is not Tunisia or Egypt and that he is not a president like Ben Ali and Mubarak. He launched a brutal military operation against peaceful protesters who reacted by arming themselves and appealing to the military and police forces who sided with them to fight back. Qadhafi escalated by deploying his air and naval forces to attack the liberated towns and cities. The United Nations Security Council then imposed a no-fly zone and authorized the world community to do all that is necessary to protect civilians.

Meanwhile, other, less massive demonstrations took place in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Oman, Morocco, Iraq, and Algeria. They were all—to varying degrees of success—put under control by their respective regimes who, too, thought that their countries were different from Tunisia and Egypt. The most significant developments were the demonstrations and evolving demands by the Syrian protesters. Bashar Asad, again, reacted by claiming that his country is different from Tunisia and Egypt.

Given the various facts and claims, then, is it true that each Arab country is fundamentally unique to the extent that that will make it impervious to the Tunisian and Egyptian phenomenon? I would argue, that the majority of the differences distinguishing one Arab country form another are absolutely irrelevant when it comes to the driving force behind these revolutions: respect for citizens’ dignity.

It is true that Libya and Yemen are more tribal then Egypt and Tunisia. It is also true that Morocco and Jordan, unlike Tunisia and Egypt, are traditional monarchies who derive their legitimacy from their affinity to the Prophet Muhammad. Similarly, it is true that Saudi Arabia and Oman, not like Tunisia and Egypt, are ruled by kings and sultans who use their vast petro-wealth to buy the loyalty of a large middle class shielding them from the marginalized. Likewise, it is true that Bahrain has more Shi`is than Tunisia and Egypt—about 70% of the population. Lastly, it is true that the Syrian regime has antagonized the West and its Arab allies when it came to the most popular regional issues in contrast to Tunisia and Egypt and aligned itself with the masses.

However, all these regimes have one common denominator: they all retain power for life and they do not respect the dignity of their peoples. All Arab countries where protests took place are run by corrupt, authoritarian, and despotic regimes that do not allow dissent, torture their citizens, and imprison political dissidents. The rulers and/or their parties control the executive, legislative, and judicial authorities and they do not tolerate true civil society institutions.

Most Arab peoples, especially the young and educated generation which makes more than 60% of the populations in most Arab countries, think that stripping them of their dignity occurs when they are treated as if they are incapable of knowing what is right and what is wrong. They no longer accept the proposition that national security, prosperity, and stability are predicated on having one leader or one party running the government for life. This generation of Arabs is now demanding respect and wants the regimes to treat everyone with dignity or degage—as the Tunisian youth had said… Leave!

With the fall of the Tunisian and Egyptian authoritarians, the Arab peoples have crossed a threshold. They have overcome fear and believed in the power of the people to make change happen, and in most cases, happen peacefully. The remaining Arab dictators are delaying the inevitable: they will all go or become isolated in a world that does not seem to tolerate the prescription of a president, king, emir, or “leader” consolidating and monopolizing power for life in return for stability and security. The peoples have learned that that is a false dichotomy and unjust trade.

هدم عشرات المساجد واستمرار حملة الاعتقالات قي البحرين

2011-04-21T07:41:00.000-07:00

إعتقال محام ناشط في مجال حقوق الإنسان بسبب توليه الدفاع في القضايا السياسية ضد المعارضين

2011-04-18T06:43:00.001-07:00

إعتقال محام ناشط في مجال حقوق الإنسان بسبب توليه الدفاع في القضايا السياسية ضد المعارضين

Posted By marwa On April 17, 2011 @ 1:43 pm In البحرين,جديد الشبكة | No Comments

القاهرة في 17 إبريل ^[1]2011

أعربت الشبكة العربية لمعلومات حقوق الإنسان اليوم,عن ادانتها الشديدة لإستمرار الحملة الأمنية الجائرة التي تشنها السلطات البحرينية ضد المعارضة والتي تستهدف منها تصفية المعارضين الذين شاركوا في الإحتجاجات السلمية عن طريق اعتقالهم وتعذيبهم حتي الموت في السجون حيث انه بعد ايام من مقتل رابع معتقل سياسي في السجون البحرينية رجل الأعمال المعارض كريم فخراوي قامت قوات الآمن البحرينية يوم أمس السبت باعتقال المحامي البارز محمد التاجر الناشط في مجال حقوق الإنسان والذي تولي الدفاع عن المعارضين في العديد من القضايا الملفقة من قبل السلطات البحرينية وهو نفسه من تولي الدفاع عن حسن المشيمع زعيم حركة حق الشيعية والذي تم اعتقاله في شهر مارس الماضي.

وكانت قوات الآمن البحرينية قد اقتحمت منزل التاجر في الساعات الأولي من صباح يوم السبت 16 ابريل 2011 وقامت بإعتقاله بهدف إرهاب المحامين وإثناءهم عن الدفاع عن المعارضين في القضايا السياسية.

وقالت الشبكة العربية “إننا نستنكر بشدة القمع الوحشي الذي تتعرض لها المعارضة البحرينية بالمخالفة للقوانين والمعاهدات الدولية منذ بدأ الإحتجاجات السلمية التي تطالب بالإصلاح الديمقراطي في منتصف شهر فبراير الماضي والتي تعرضت للقمع الشديد من قبل الأجهزة الأمنية التي استخدمت القوة المفرطة لإنهاءها مستعينة بدعم عسكري من قبل جيرانها في الخليج العربي,الذين ارسلوا ما يزيد عن 1500 مجند للمشاركة في انهاء تلك الإحتجاجات ومساعدة السلطات البحرينية في السيطرة عليها بعد أن كانت علي وشك الإطاحة بالحكومة الحالية,وقد إستهدف هذ القمع الشديد الأطباء ونشطاء حقوق الإنسان وكل من تجرأ علي معارضة السلطات البحرينية وخاصة المواطنين الشيعة منهم”

وأضافت الشبكة العربية “إن قمع المعارضة البحرينية لم يتوقف عند قيام السلطات بمصادرة حقهم في حرية التعبير وإعتقالهم بشكل تعسفي وتلفيق التهم لهم بل زاد ليصل الي حد إعتقال وإرهاب المحامين الذين يتولوا الدفاع عنهم لحرمانهم من حقهم الأساسي في المحاكمة العادلة والمنصفة وهو ما يوضح عدم إهتمام السلطات البحرينية بالقوانين والشرعية بأي حال من الأحوال”

وكانت السلطات البحرينية قد أعتقلت أعداد كبيرة جداً من المعارضيين السياسيين في البلاد ولم تعلن حتي الآن عن عددهم أو ماهية التهم الموجهة لهم والتي أعتقلوا علي خلفيتها منذ بدأ احتجاجات الرابع عشر من فبراير 2011.

بدأ الإحتجاجات

في يوم الإثنين 14 فبراير 2011 وفي الذكري العاشرة لإطلاق الدستور البحريني وبدعوة من المعارضة ونشطاء الإنترنت وتحت مسمي “يوم الغضب” بدأت حملة احتجاجات شعبية واسعة في مملكة البحرين متأثرة بموجة الإحتجاجات التي شهدتها الدول العربية والتي تمكن فيها الشعبين المصري والتونسي من الإطاحة بالإنظمة الحاكمة في بلدانهم,وقادت المعارضة البحرينية تلك الإحتجاجات مطالبة ببعض الإصلاحات السياسية والإقتصادية في البلاد والتي كان علي رأسها صياغة دستور جديد وإقامة مملكة دستورية والمطالبة باطلاق سراح النشطاء السياسين ورجال الدين الشيعة الذين تم إعتقالهم بشكل تعسفي علي خلفية اراءهم وحل مجلس النواب الذي جاء بانتخابات معيبة وعدم منح صلاحيات للمجالس المعينة والغير منتخبة مثل مجلس الشوري وحرية تشكيل الأحزاب وكفالة حق حرية التعبير,وعلي غرار ما حدث في ميدان التحرير بالقاهرة توجه المتظاهرون البحرينين الي ميدان دوار اللؤلؤة أكبر الميادين في المنامة بعد أن فشل الآمن في منعهم وقرروا الإعتصام في هذا الميدان حتي تستجيب الحكومة البحرينية لمطالبهم.

فض الاعتصام بالقوة المفرطة

وفي الساعة الثالثة من فجر يوم الخميس 17 فبراير 2011 قامت قوات الآمن البحرينية بمحاصرة ميدان دوار اللؤلؤة والهجوم علي المعتصمين وهم نائمون وفي جريمة بشعة قامت بتفريقهم مستخدمة الرصاص الحي والمطاطي والقنابل المسيلة للدموع ومستقلين عدد كبير من المدرعات وقاموا بالهجوم علي الخيم الخاصة بالمحتجين وتكسيرها عليهم ممـا أدي الي سقوط قتلي وإصابات عديدة,وبعد أن تم فض الإعتصام بالقوة نزل الجيش الي شوارع البحرين وأصدر قرار بمنع التظاهرات في البلاد للحفاظ علي امن وسلامة البلاد وفقاً لتصريحات السلطات,وبعد ذلك نظمت جمعية الأطباء البحرينية اعتصام في مجمع السلمانية الطبي,إحتجاجا علي منع قوات الآمن البحرينية الأطباء والإسعاف من الوصول لجرحي الهجوم الجائر علي دوار اللؤلؤة وهو ما يوضح مدي وحشية الحكومة البحرينية في التعامل مع المحتجين سلمياً.

وبعد أن قامت قوات مكافحة الشغب بتفريق اعتصام دوار اللؤلؤة بالقوة والعنف حاول بعض المتظاهرين من العودة اليه لمواصلة إحتجاجاتهم السلمية مرددين إن ثورتهم شعبية وليست طائفية,الا ان الجيش قد منعهم من الوصول للدوار عن طريق فتح النار عليهم واطلاق الرصاص الحي عليهم وإطلاق قذائف مضادة للطائرات فوق رؤسهم وهذا ما أدي الي إصابة المئات في صفوف المحتجين سلمياً.

تشويه الإحتجاجات ووصفها بالطائفية

ومنذ يوم فض الإعتصام بالقوة المفرطة بشكل غير قانوني شن رجال الحكومة والشخصيات العامة المقربة من السلطات حملة إعلامية لتشويه تلك الإحتجاجات عن طريق وصفها بالطائفية والمدعومة من إيران وتحمل مخطاطات أجنبية للإيقاع بالبلاد في جحيم الطائفية وهو ما زعموا انهم قاموا بفض الإعتصام بسببه,وأسلوب التشويه والتضليل الذي استخدمته السلطات البحرينية سبق وأن استخدمته الحكومات العربية التي تشهد بلدانها احتجاجا وعلي رأسها حكومتي مصر وتونس قبل أن يتم إسقاطهم.

دعوة شكلية لحوار وطني

وفي يوم الجمعة 18 فبراير 2011 اصدر ملك البحرين عيسي آل الخليفة مرسوم ملكي يدعو فيه المعارضة البحرينية وكل الأطراف في البلاد المشاركة في حوار وطني يشرف عليه نجله وولي العهد سلمان بن حمد ليلبي مطالب وطموحات المواطنين البحرينين في الإصلاح الديمقراطي والإقتصادي,الا ان المعارضة البحرينية رفضت الإستجابة لدعوة الملك لإنها كانت تراها مجرد محاولة لإمتصاص الغضب خاصة وانه لم يتم أتخاذ آي اجراءات تدل علي جدية الحوار وطالبت المعارضة بإقالة الحكومة وسحب قوات الجيش من الشوارع اولا قبل اجراء آي حوار ووصفت ان وجود الجيش في الشوارع وفض الاعتصام بالقوة ومنع المتظاهرين من حقهم المشروع في التظاهر لا يدل علي لغة الحوار بل يعني ان لغة القوة هي من سيدير الآمر وهذا ما تحقق فعلاً بمرور الإيام حيث ان السلطات البحرينية بمجرد أن هدأت الأوضاع قليلاً وتمكنت من فضل اعتصام دوار اللؤلؤة بدأت في شن حملتها الآمنية الواسعة ضد المعارضيين.

العودة لدوار اللؤلؤة

وفي يوم السبت 19 فبراير 2011 وبعد ساعات من رفض المعارضة البحرينية لقبول الحوار في ظل وجود الجيش في الشوارع وقبل اقالة الحكومة قرر ملك البحرين سحب قوات الجيش من الشوارع وبعد ذلك توجه المحتجين لدوار اللؤلؤة لمعاودة إعتصامهم الذي سبق وان تم فضه بالقوة وبعد مواجهات قوية بين المحتجين والشرطة إنسحبت اجهزة الآمن من الدوار وبعد ذلك قام المحتجين بنصب خيامهم ومعاودة الإعتصام وعرض مطالبهم مرة آخري,فقام الملك باتخاذ بعد الخطوات لتهدئة الشعب الغاضب من بينها اطلاق سراح عدد من النشطاء الشيعة المعتقلين,وطالبهم بالهدوء للحفاظ علي البلاد من الفتنة والإنقسام,الا ان المحتجين أصروا علي مطالبهم التي تحمل طموحاتهم في مستقبل أفضل وبدأوا في تنظيم احتجاجات حاشدة لمئات الألاف من المواطنين البحريين للضغط علي الحكومة لتلبية مطالبهم فقام الملك بعد ذلك باجراء تعديلات علي 3 وزارات وتقديم بعض الامتيازات الإقتصادية للمواطنين لإرضائهم الا ان كل هذا كان مجرد محاولة لإجراء تعديلات شكلية لإثناء المعارضة عن طلباتها واعادة الهدوء.

المرافق الطبية تستخدم في القمع

وأثناء تلك الإحتجاجات السلمية قامت السلطات البحرينية بإستخدام المرافق الطبية في قمع الإحتجاجات السلمية وذلك عن طريق محاصرتها وأعتقال المصابين التي تعد إصابتهم دليلا علي مشاركتهم في الإحتجاجات وذلك بهدف قمع تلك الإحتجاجات كما كانت تقوم السلطات بمنع المحتجين الذين تعرضوا لإصابات بأيدي رجال الآمن من الوصول للمرافق الطبية وذلك بغرض إرهاب المحتجين,وهو ما جعل المرافق الطبية مكان يخشي المعارضون الذهاب إليه لما يشكله ذلك من خطر عليهم وذلك بحسب منظمة أطباء بلا حدود ونشطاء بحرنيين.

قمع الإحتجاجات بدعم خليجي تقوده السعودية

في يوم الإثنين 14 مارس 2011 أرسلت دول السعودية والإمارات قوات عسكرية وفقا لما يسمي بدرع الجزيرة وهي إتفاقية للدفاع العسكري المشترك بين دول الجزيرة ويبدو انها كانت اتفاقية لحماية حكومات دول الجزيرة العربية وليست الشعوب حيث انه هذا اليوم قد وصل نحو 1000 جندي سعودي بأسلحتهم ومدرعاتهم و500 اخريين تابعين للجيش الإماراتي لقمع الإحتجاجات السلمية في البحرين وحماية السلطات.!!! الا ان المتظاهرين اصروا علي استكمال احتجاجاتهم فتم إطلاق الرصاص الحي وقتل بعضهم برصاصات مباشرة في الرأس في اشتباكات بين الأجهزة الأمنية والمحتجين السلميين الذين طالتهم آلة الآمن البشعة في ظل هتافاتهم “سلمية,,سلمية” في يوم 15 مارس ,وفي اليوم التالي 16 مارس اصدر الملك قراره بفرض حالة الطوارئ والتي كانت البداية للسيطرة النسبية علي الإحتجاجات السلمية في البحرين حيث قام الجيش البحريني بالتعاون مع اجهزة الآمن والقوات السعودية الإماراتية باخلاء دوار اللؤلؤة من المعتصمين عن طريق مهاجمة الميدان بالمدرعات واطلاق الرصاص عليهم واعتقال العديد منهم وإحراق خيامهم, وقد شهدت تلك الواقعة اعتداءات وحشية من قبل السلطات ادت لسقوط العديد من الجرحي والقتلي.

حملات امنية ضد المعارضة

بعد ان تمكنت السلطات البحرينية من السيطرة علي اعتصام دوار اللؤلؤة واخلاءه من المحتجين وفرض حالة الطوارئ وانتشار قوات الجيش في الشوارع شنت الأجهزة الأمنية حملات عديدة ضد النشطاء في المملكة حيث قامت باعتقال العديد منهم وتعريضهم للتعذيب وفصل المعارضين من الجامعات وإغلاق شركاتهم واستهدف نشطاء الإنترنت وحرية التعبير بشكل كبير.

ففي يوم 21 مارس 2011 قامت الحكومة البحرينية بالغاء كافة تراخيص شركة توكونيكت لخدمات الإنترنت والمملوكة للمعارض البحريني “إبراهيم شريف” رئيس حزب الوعد المعارض بقرار صدر يوم 21 مارس الماضي وبعد أيام من اعتقاله علي خلفية مشاركته في الاحتجاجات السلمية.

وفي يوم الاربعاء 30 مارس قامت قوات الآمن البحرينية بإقتحام منازل نشطاء الانترنت “محمود اليوسف” و”سناء عبدالرازق”والشاعرة “أيات القرمزي” واعقتالهم واحتجازهم بشكل تعسفي هذا فضلا عن توقيف بعض الإعلاميين واحتجازهم واستجوابهم مثل طاقم السي أن ان الذي وردت انباء عن اعتقاله اثناء اجراءه مقابلة مع ناشط حقوقي بارز.

وفي يوم السبت 2 إبريل اصدرت السلطات البحرينية قرار بإغلاق جريدة “الوسط” المستقلة والمعروفة بعدم ميلها للحكومة أو المعارضة بسبب نشرها اخبار عن الإحتجاجات في البحرين.

اقصاء المعارضين من العمل وقمع الحركات النقابية

وفي مطلع شهر ابريل 2011 بدأت السلطات البحرينية بشن حملة تطهير جائرة تستهدف تصفية النشطاء وإبعادهم من اعمالهم المؤثرة وخاصة في مجال التعليم والإعلام , ففي 1 إبريل 2011 قامت السلطات بفصل العديد من الأكاديميين والإداريين العاملين بالجامعة البحرينية ومعاقبة العديد من الطلاب والدارسين بها علي خلفية مشاركتهم في الاحتجاجات السلمية.

وفي يوم 9 إبريل أقتحمت السلطات البحرينية منزل الناشط الحقوقي عبد الهادي الخواجة وقامت بإعتقاله هو وزوجي ابنتيه وقاموا بالإعتداء عليه بالضرب واعتقاله ومازال محتجزا بشكل تعسفي حتي الآن.

وقد استهدفت السلطات البحرينية الحركات النقابية بشكل كبير بهدف تصفية جميع معارضيها الذين شاركوا في تلك الإحتجاجات
أو تضامنوا ضد قتل المتظاهرين فقامت باعتقال 5 من اعضاء مجلس ادارة جمعية المعلمين في نهاية شهر مارس ,واعقب ذلك في يوم 6 إبريل صدور قرار من قبل السلطات بحل الجمعية.!!

وفي يوم 4إبريل 2011 تم اعتقال رولا الصفار رئيسة جمعية التمريض ولم يتم الكشف عن مصيرها حتي الآن بحسب ما نشره ناشط حقوقي بحريني بارز علي موقع تويتر للتدوين القصير.

وفي 31 مارس قامت السلطات بفصل احد مؤسسي حركة العمال البحرينية ورئيس نقابة عمال شركة نفط البحرين عبد الغفار الحسيني علي خلفية دعوته لإضراب عام بحسب نشطاء الإنترنت وبعض مراكز حقوق الإنسان البحرينية.

التعذيب حتي الموت

لم تكتفي اجهزة الآمن البحرينية بإعتقال معارضيها بل عرضتهم للتعذيب الوحشي داخل السجوان وهذا ما أدي الي مقتل نحو 4 أشخاص في 9 أيام بحسب المعارضة البحرينية وتقارير اخبارية علي شبكة الإنترنت,وذلك بعد مقتل الناشط ورجل الأعمال كريم فخراوي في 12 ابريل 2011 أثناء احتجازه في سجون المملكة البحرينية ليكون بذلك هو رابع النشطاء الذين قتلوا في السجون البحرينية منذ مطلع الشهر الجاري.

ففي يوم 9 إبريل 2011 بحسب تقارير اخبارية لقي علي عيسي صقر صاحب الـ 31 عاما مصرعه داخل سجون البحرين بعد نقله للمستشفي علي أثر تعرضه لنزيف شديد ونشرت صور علي مواقع الإنترنت توضح كدمات في انحاء متفرقة من جسده مما يرجح الإدعاءات القائلة بإنه توفي بسبب قيام اجهزة الآمن بتعذيبه.

وفي اليوم نفسه 9 إبريل 2011 لقي ناشط الإنترنت زكريا راشد حسن صاحب الـ40 عاما مصرعه داخل السجن في وسط إتهامات من قبل المعارضة البحرينية بتعذيب الآمن له حتي الموت.

وفي يوم 3 إبريل لقي حسن جاسم صاحب ال 39 عاما مصرعه إيضاً داخل سجون البحرين.

ويذكر ان في شهر مارس شهد العديد من حالات الوفاة لمواطنين بحرنيين داخل السجون,وقد تم نشر العديد من الصور التي توضح اثار التعذيب علي اجسادهم وكل ذلك دون أن تهتم السلطات البحرينية التي دائما ما تنكر التعذيب بإجراء أي تحقيقات في شأن تعذيب النشطاء حتي الموت.

أول قضية عربية بسبب النشر علي تويتر

ومنذ أيام قليلة صرحت وزارة الداخلية البحرينية بإنه سيتم تقديم الناشط الحقوقي البارز نبيل رجب مدير مركز البحرين لحقوق الإنسان للمدعي العام العسكري للتحقيق بتهمة نشر صور ملفقة بسبب قيام الناشط بنشر صور علي موقع تويتر للتدوين القصير توضح أثار التعذيب علي جسد المواطن علي عيسي صقر الذي لقي حتفه في السجن في يوم 9 إبريل2011.

وقالت الشبكة العربية لمعلومات حقوق الإنسان “إنه لا يجب علي المجتمع الدولي والعربي ان يقفوا مكتوفي الإيدي في ظل تلك الجرائم التي ترتكبها الحكومة البحرينية ضد المعارضة وضد القوانين والتشريعات الدولية وعليهم أن يتخذوا إجراءات سريعة من أجل الضغط علي السلطات البحرينية للكف عن تلك الممارسات ومحاكمة المسئولين عنها بشكل عادل وشفاف”

UN Gaza report co-authors slam Goldstone

2011-04-14T07:31:00.000-07:00

Three members of the UN fact-finding mission on the Gaza war of 2008-09 have turned on the fourth member and chair of the group, Richard Goldstone, accusing him in all but name of misrepresenting facts in order to cast doubt on the credibility of their joint report.

In a statement to the Guardian, the three experts in international law are strongly critical of Goldstone's dramatic change of heart expressed in a Washington Post commentary earlier this month. Goldstone wrote that he regretted aspects of the report that bears his name, especially the suggestion that Israel had potentially committed war crimes by targeting civilian Palestinians in the three-week conflict.

The three members – the Pakistani human rights lawyer Hina Jilani; Christine Chinkin, professor of international law at the London School of Economics; and former Irish peace-keeper Desmond Travers – have until this moment kept their silence over Goldstone's bombshell remarks. But their response now is devastating.

Though they do not mention Goldstone by name, they shoot down several of the main contentions in his article and imply that he has bowed to intense political pressure.

They write that they cannot leave "aspersions cast on the findings of the [Goldstone] report unchallenged", adding that those aspersions have "misrepresented facts in an attempt to delegitimise the findings and to cast doubts on its credibility".

In their most stinging criticism, the three joint authors say that "calls to reconsider or even retract the report, as well as attempts at misrepresenting its nature and purpose, disregard the rights of victims, Palestinians and Israeli, to truth and justice". They point to the "personal attacks and the extraordinary pressure placed on members of the fact-finding mission", adding that "had we given in to pressures from any quarter to sanitise our conclusions, we would be doing a serious injustice to the hundreds of innocent civilians killed during the Gaza conflict, the thousands injured, and the hundreds of thousands whose lives continue to be deeply affected by the conflict and the blockade".

The four-person fact-finding mission was set up to look into allegations of war crimes committed by both Israel and Hamas during the war in which 1,400 Palestinians – at least half of whom were civilians – and 13 Israelis died. The Goldstone report concludedthat some Israelis could be held individually criminally responsible for potential war crimes.

In his Washington Post article, Goldstone said evidence had since come to light as a result of subsequent Israeli military investigations into the conflict that showed that Israel had not targeted civilians as a matter of policy. Had he known that then, "the Goldstone report would have been a different document," he wrote.

Goldstone's apparent retraction of key elements of the fact-finding mission he led was seized upon with delight by the Israeli government which called for the report to be set aside in the light of his comments. An Israeli minister claimed that Goldstone had himself promised to work to have his own report "nullified".

But his three fellow members of the mission state that they "firmly stand by" the conclusions of the report. They say that neither Israel nor Hamas has come up with any convincing evidence contradicting the findings.

The three authors cite the final UN report into the Gaza war, written by a follow-up committee led by Judge Mary McGowan Davies, that criticised Israel for the slow pace with which it conducted its investigations and for its refusal to address some of the most serious allegations about its conduct. "The mechanisms that are being used by the Israeli authorities to investigate the incidents are proving inadequate to genuinely ascertain the facts and any ensuing legal responsibility."

The statement of Jilani, Chinkin and Travers will set back any attempt by Israel to have the Goldstone report revoked. The UN human rights council, which commissioned the fact-finding mission, has already made clear that the report could only be withdrawn if all four of its authors unanimously made a formal written complaint or if the UN general assembly or human rights council voted to drop it.

The Palestinian Authority (PA) welcomed the statement from the three members of the mission. "[It is] as an important reminder of what matters – that the truth must be established and justice done. It is very disturbing that members of the committee say they have been put under pressure to sanitise their conclusions," said PA spokesman Ghassan Khatib.

"Israel must not be allowed to influence the outcome of what needs to be an objective process. Nor must Israel be allowed to investigate its own actions and find itself not guilty. We pay tribute to those members of the committee who have the courage to resist Israeli pressure and insist that justice must be done."

The Israeli government responded to the latest developments by restating its view that the Goldstone report was flawed from the outset.

"Israel's position on the Goldstone report and the whole process that established the committee has not changed. The establishment of the committee was based on fundamental flaws of the United Nations human rights council. The report was handled in a highly politicised manner by a council lacking in moral authority," said a spokesman for the Israeli ministry of foreign affairs," said Yigal Palmor, spokesman for the Israeli ministry of foreign affairs.

"We believed that the methodology, workings and findings of the committee were mind-bogglingly distorted. All this is still valid as is Israel's commitment to investigate itself regardless of resolutions by any foreign body. We believe that our investigations and our transparency in carrying those out are the best reproach to any criticisms of Operation Cast Lead."

Read full articles

ميليشيات القذافي تغتصب امرأة ليبية

2011-03-30T18:53:00.000-07:00

Remarks by the President in Address to the Nation on Libya

2011-03-29T07:57:00.000-07:00

US soldiers accused over Afghanistan 'kill team'

2011-03-24T14:35:00.000-07:00

Thursday, March 24, 2011 12:51 PM EDT

U.S. Soldier in Alleged Afghan 'Kill Team' Gets 24 Years for Murders

By IBTimes Staff Report

Jeremy Morlock, a U.S. soldier who admitted to the murders of three Afghan civilians in 2009 and 2010 and struck a plea deal to testify against other soldiers in his unit also accused of crimes, was sentenced on Wednesday by a military judge to 24 years in prison, with the opportunity for parole within 7 years.

Judge Lt. Col. Kwasi Hawks, at Joint Base Lewis-McChord in Washington, said Wednesday he had initially intended to sentence Morlock to life in prison but had to abide by the plea deal.

Morlock,

of the Army's 5th Stryker Brigade based in Washington State, will also receive credit for time served of nearly a year, his lead attorney Frank Spinner said, according to NPR. Morlock will be released from military service with a d

ishonorable discharge.

Morlock lured villagers away from othe

rs and killed them, planting weapons near the victims and calling for help, according to court testimony.

In total, 12 U.S. soldiers were allegedly part of what has been described as a "ill team" in Afghanistan. On Monday, German website Der Spiegel published photos of members of the unit posing with the bodies of Afghani's killed. The U.S. Army apologized "for the distress these photos and condemned the actions depicted in the photos as "repugnant." In a pair of the photos two soldiers are shown lifting the head of a villager by the hair.

The incidents took p

lace in villages in the southern province of Kandahar, near Forward Operating Base Ramrod. Three other soldiers have also been charged with murder.

"You'd select a target, you'd kill them, and then you'd use a 'drop' weapon to establish later that, 'They had a weapon, and that's why I killed them,' " Hawks said, according to the LA Times.

"Yes,

sir," Morlock said.

"Were you going to shoot at people to scare them, and it got out of hand, or was the plan to kill people?" Hawks said.

"The plan was to kill people," Morlock said.

The unit leader, Staff Sgt. Calvin Gibbs, is said to have been the person leading the push. Morlock's plea documents say the killing "scenarios" were Gibbs' idea.

تعديل الدستور المصري

2011-03-17T11:02:00.000-07:00

مادة 75: شروط الترشح لرئاسة الجمهورية

النص قبل التعديل:

يشترط فيمن ينتخب رئيسا للجمهورية أن يكون مصريا من أبوين مصريين و أن يكون متمتعا بالحقوق المدنية و السياسية و ألا تقل سنه عن أربعين سنة ميلادية.

النص بعد التعديل:

يشترط فيمن ينتخب رئيسا للجمهورية أن يكون مصرياً من أبوين مصريين و أن يكون متمتعاً بحقوقه المدنية والسياسية وألا يكون قد حمل أو أي من والديه جنسية دولة أخرى وألا يكون متزوجاً من غير مصري و ألا تقل سنه عن أربعين سنة ميلادية.

نقاط الاختلاف:

اهتم النص بعد التعديل بالشروط الواجب توافرها في المرشح لمنصب رئاسة الجمهورية بتحديد شروط تسري على المرشحين وقد يفسر النص على جواز ترشح المرأة لرئاسة الجمهورية لاستخدامه لفظ مصري على العموم وليس مصرية بالنسبة للزوجة وكذا تضمن عدم التأثير على شخص المرشح بأي تيار سياسي خارجي أو خارجي و ضمان إخلاصه و ولائه للوطن المصري الذي يحمل جنسيته فقط هو وزوجه وأصوله.

مادة 76: أسلوب الترشح لرئاسة الجمهورية

§

النص قبل التعديل:

ينتخب رئيس الجمهورية عن طريق الاقتراع السري العام المباشر و يلزم لقبول الترشيح لرئاسة الجمهورية أن يؤيد المتقدم للترشيح مائتان و خمسون عضوا على الأقل من الأعضاء المنتخبين لمجلسي الشعب و الشورى و المجالس الشعبية المحلية للمحافظات على ألا يقل عدد المؤيدين عن خمسة و ستين من أعضاء مجلس الشعب و خمسة و عشرين من أعضاء مجلس الشورى و عشرة أعضاء من كل مجلس شعبي محلي للمحافظة من أربع عشرة محافظة على الأقل و يزداد عدد المؤيدين للترشيح من أعضاء كل من مجلسي الشعب و الشورى و من أعضاء المجالس الشعبية للمحافظات بما يعادل نسبة ما يطرأ من زيادة على عدد أعضاء أي من هذه المجالس و في جميع الأحوال لا يجوز أن يكون التأييد لأكثر من مرشح و ينظم القانون الإجراءات الخاصة بذلك كله

و لكل حزب من الأحزاب السياسية التي مضى على تأسيسها خمسة أعوام متصلة على الأقل قبل إعلان فتح باب الترشيح و استمرت طوال هذه المدة في ممارسة نشاطها مع حصول أعضائها في آخر انتخابات على نسبة 3% على الأقل من مجموع مقاعد المنتخبين في مجلسي الشعب و الشورى أو ما يساوي ذلك في أحد المجلسين أن ترشح لرئاسة الجمهورية أحد أعضاء هيئته العليا وفقا لنظامه الأساسي متى مضت على عضويته في هذه الهيئة سنة متصلة على الأقل

و استثناء من حكم الفقرة السابقة يجوز لكل حزب من الأحزاب السياسية المشار إليها التي حصل أعضاؤها بالانتخاب على مقعد على الأقل في أي من المجلسين في آخر انتخابات أن يرشح في أي انتخابات رئاسية تجري خلال عشر سنوات اعتبارا من أول يوليو 2007 أحد أعضاء هيئته العليا وفقا لنظامه الأساسي متى مضت على عضويته في هذه الهيئة سنة متصلة على الأقل و يقدم طلبات الترشيح إلى لجنة تسمى (لجنة الانتخابات الرئاسية) تتمتع بالاستقلال و تشكل من رئيس المحكمة الدستورية العليا و عضوية كل من رئيس محكمة استئناف القاهرة و أقدم نواب رئيس المحكمة الدستورية العليا و أقدم نواب رئيس محكمة النقض و أقدم نواب رئيس مجلس الدولة و خمسة من الشخصيات العامة المشهود لها بالحياد يختار ثلاثة منهم مجلس الشعب و يختار الاثنين الآخرين مجلس الشورى و ذلك بناء على اقتراح مكتب كل من المجلسين و ذلك لمدة خمسة سنوات و يحدد القانون من يحل محل رئيس اللجنة أو أي من أعضائها في حالة وجود مانع لديه و تختص هذه اللجنة دون غيرها بما يلي :

إعلان فتح باب الترشيح و الإشراف على إجراءاته و إعلان القائمة النهائية للمرشحين

الإشراف العام على إجراءات الاقتراح و الفرز

إعلان نتيجة الانتخاب

الفصل في كافة التظلمات و الطعون و في جميع المسائل المتعلقة باختصاصها بما في ذلك تنازع الاختصاص

وضع لائحة لتنظيم أسلوب عملها و كيفية ممارسة اختصاصها

و تصدر قراراتها بأغلبية سبعة من أعضائها على الأقل و تكون قراراتها نهائية و نافذة بذاتها غير قابلة للطعن عليها بأي طريق و أمام أي جهة كما لا يجوز التعرض لقراراتها بالتأويل أو يوقف التنفيذ و يحدد القانون المنظم للانتخابات الرئاسية الاختصاصات الأخرى للجنة كما يحدد القانون القواعد المنظمة لترشيح من يخلو مكانه من أحد المرشحين لأي سبب غير التنازل عن الترشيح في الفترة بين بدء الترشيح و قبل انتهاء الاقتراع و يجري الاقتراع في يوم واحد و تشكل لجنة الانتخابات الرئاسية اللجان التي تتولى مراحل العملية الانتخابية و الفرز على أن تقوم بالإشراف عليها لجان عامة تشكلها اللجنة من أعضاء الهيئات القضائية و ذلك كله وفقا للقواعد و الإجراءات التي تحددها اللجنة و يعلن انتخاب رئيس الجمهورية بحصول المرشح على الأغلبية المطلقة لعدد الأصوات الصحيحة فإذا لم يحصل أي من المرشحين على هذه الأغلبية أعيد الانتخاب بعد سبعة أيام على الأقل بين المرشحين الذين حصلا على أكبر عدد من الأصوات فإذا تساوى مع ثانيهما غيره في عدد الأصوات الصحيحة اشترك في انتخابات الإعادة و في هذه الحالة يعلن فوز من يحصل على أكبر عدد من الأصوات الصحيحة

و يتم الاقتراع لانتخاب رئيس الجمهورية حتى و لو تقدم للترشيح مرشح واحد أو لم يبق سواه بسبب تنازل باقي المرشحين أو لعدم ترشيح أحد غير من خلا مكانه و في هذه الحالة يعلن فوز المرشح الحاصل على الأغلبية المطلقة لعدد من أدلوا بأصواتهم الصحيحة و ينظم القانون ما يتبع في حالة عدم حصول المرشح على هذه الأغلبية و يعرض رئيس الجمهورية مشروع القانون المنظم للانتخابات الرئاسية على المحكمة الدستورية العليا بعد إقراره من مجلس الشعب و قبل إصداره لتقرير مدى مطابقته للدستور و تصدر المحكمة قرارها في هذا الشأن خلال خمسة عشر يوما من تاريخ عرض الأمر عليها فإذا قررت المحكمة عدم دستورية نص أو أكثر من نصوص المشروع رده رئيس الجمهورية إلى مجلس الشعب لإعمال مقتضى هذا القرار و في جميع الأحوال يكون قرار المحكمة ملزما للكافة و لجميع سلطات الدولة و ينشر في الجريدة الرسمية خلال ثلاثة أيام من تاريخ صدوره

النص بعد التعديل:

ينتخب رئيس الجمهورية عن طريق الاقتراع السري العام المباشر و يلزم لقبول الترشيح لرئاسة الجمهورية أن يؤيد المتقدم ثلاثون عضوا على الأقل من الأعضاء المنتخبين لمجلسي الشعب أو الشورى أو أن يحصل المرشح على تأييد ما لا يقل عن ثلاثين ألف مواطن ممن لهم حق الانتخاب في خمس عشرة محافظة على الأقل بحيث لا يقل عدد المؤيدين في أي من تلك المحافظات عن ألف مؤيد و في جميع الأحوال لا يجوز أن يكون التأييد لأكثر من مرشح و ينظم القانون الإجراءات الخاصة بذلك كله

و لكل حزب من الأحزاب السياسية التي حصل أعضاؤها على مقعد على الأقل بطريق الانتخاب في أي من مجلسي الشعب و الشورى في آخر انتخابات أن يرشح أحد أعضائه لرئاسة الجمهورية و تتولى لجنة قضائية عليا تسمى (لجنة الانتخابات الرئاسية) الإشراف على انتخابات رئيس الجمهورية بدءا من الإعلان عن فتح باب الترشيح و حتى إعلان نتيجة الانتخاب و تشكل اللجنة من رئيس المحكمة الدستورية العليا رئيسا و عضوية كل من رئيس محكمة استئناف القاهرة و أقدم نواب رئيس المحكمة الدستورية العليا و أقدم نواب رئيس محكمة النقض و اقدم نواب رئيس مجلس الدولة

و تكون قرارات اللجنة نهائية و نافذة بذاتها غير قابلة للطعن عليها بأي طريق و أمام أية جهة كما لا يجوز التعرض لقراراتها بوقف التنفيذ أو الإلغاء كما تفصل اللجنة في اختصاصاتها و يحدد القانون الاختصاصات الأخرى للجنة و تشكل لجنة الانتخابات الرئاسية اللجان التي تتولى الإشراف على الاقتراع و الفرز على النحو المبين في المادة 88و يعرض مشروع القانون المنظم للانتخابات الرئاسية على المحكمة الدستورية العليا قبل إصداره لتقرير مدى مطابقته للدستور و تصدر المحكمة الدستورية العليا قرارها في هذا الشأن خلال خمسة عشر يوما من تاريخ عرض الأمر عليها فإذا قررت المحكمة عدم دستورية نص أو أكثر وجب إعمال مقتضى قرارها عند إصدار القانون و في جميع الأحوال يكون قرار المحكمة ملزما للكافة و لجميع سلطات الدولة و ينشر في الجريدة الرسمية خلال ثلاثة أيام من تاريخ صدوره

نقاط الاختلاف:

راعى النص بعد التعديل تفادي العيب الدستوري البين في المادة قبل التعديل و هو طول المادة حيث تعتبر من أطول مواد الدساتير في العالم على خلاف الطبيعة الشكلية للمواد و القواعد و المبادئ الدستورية.

و كذا جاء التعديل موضوعيا في تخفيف وطأة الشروط الموضوعة بالنسبة لإجراءات تأييد و الموافقة على المرشح للرئاسة و قصرها على أحزاب معينة تستوفي نسبة تشكيل معين بالبرلمان أو بالمجالس الشعبية المحلية (ثلاثون عضوا بدلا من مائتين و خمسين) واشتراط مدد معينة لممارسة بعض الأحزاب لنشاطها حتى تتمكن من ترشيح أحد أعضاء هيئتها العليا فقط و إنما السماح لأي من أعضاء الحزب للترشح للرئاسة طالما تمتع الحزب بأحد مقاعد البرلمان دون نسبة تمثيل معينة.

فضلا عن أن التعديل قد استحدث فكرة التأييد الشعبي للمرشح المستقل لرئاسة الجمهورية مع مراعاة تعددية تأييده و اتساع شعبيته في أكثر من محافظة و بعدد معين من الأفراد في كل محافظة.

كما أسبغ التعديل على اللجنة العليا التي تشرف على الانتخابات الرئاسية صفة القضائية بقصر عضويتها على رئاسات الهيئات القضائية و إلغاء عضوية الشخصيات العامة بها في حين أبقى التعديل على فكرة رقابة المحكمة الدستورية العليا السابقة على مشروع قانون انتخابات الرئاسة قبل إصداره بالمخالفة لمبدأ الرقابة اللاحقة الأصلي بالنسبة للمحكمة الدستورية العليا و كذا أحالت المادة بعد التعديل إجراءات انتخابات الرئاسة للقانون المنظم لهذه الانتخابات.

مادة 77: فترة ولاية الرئيس والتجديد

النص قبل التعديل:

مدة الرئاسة ست سنوات ميلادية تبدأ من تاريخ إعلان نتيجة الاستفتاء و يجوز إعادة انتخاب رئيس الجمهورية لمدد أخرى.

النص بعد التعديل:

مدة الرئاسة أربع سنوات ميلادية تبدأ من تاريخ إعلان نتيجة الانتخاب و لا يجوز إعادة انتخاب رئيس الجمهورية إلا لمدة واحدة ثانية.

نقاط الاختلاف:

اختزل التعديل في هذه المادة مدة شغل منصب رئيس الجمهورية من ست سنوات إلى أربع سنوات لا تجدد إلا مرة واحدة فقط على خلاف السماح بالمد دون تحديد مدد معينة كما في النص قبل التعديل مع تعديل المسمى لعملية اختيار رئيس الجمهورية من الاستفتاء إلى الانتخاب.

مادة 88: الإشراف على الانتخابات التشريعية

النص قبل التعديل:

يحدد القانون الشروط الواجب توافرها في أعضاء مجلس الشعب و يبين أحكام الانتخاب و الاستفتاء و يجري الاقتراع في يوم واحد و تتولى لجنة عليا تتمتع بالاستقلال و الحيدة الإشراف على الانتخابات على النحو الذي ينظمه القانون و يبين القانون اختصاصات اللجنة و طريقة تشكيلها و ضمانات أعضائها على أن يكون من بين أعضائها أعضاء من هيئات قضائية حاليين و سابقين و تشكل اللجنة اللجان العامة التي تشرف على الانتخابات على مستوى الدوائر الانتخابية و اللجان التي تباشر إجراءات الاقتراع و لجان الفرز على أن تشكل اللجان العامة من أعضاء هيئات قضائية و أن يتم الفرز تحت إشراف اللجان العامة و ذلك كله وفقا للقواعد و الإجراءات التي يحددها القانون.

النص بعد التعديل:

يحدد القانون الشروط الواجب توافرها في أعضاء مجلس الشعب و يبين أحكام الانتخاب و الاستفتاء و تتولى لجنة عليا ذات تشكيل قضائي كامل الإشراف على الانتخاب و الاستفتاء بدءا من القيد بجداول الانتخاب و حتى إعلان النتيجة و ذلك كله على النحو الذي بينه القانون و يجري الاقتراع و الرز تحت إشراف أعضاء من هيئات قضائية ترشحهم جالسها العليا و يصدر باختيارهم قرار من اللجنة العليا.

نقاط الاختلاف:

أبقى التعديل في هذه المادة تحديد القانون لشروط أعضاء مجلس الشعب و قرر تشكيل لجنة عليا ذات اختصاص قضائي كامل يشرف على أي من عمليات الانتخاب أو الاستفتاء في جميع المراحل حتى إعلان النتيجة و أن يتم الاقتراع تحت إشراف مباشر لأعضاء هيئات قضائية و ليس تحت إشراف عام للجنة الفرز العامة ضمان لنزاهة العملية الانتخابية في جميع مراحلها خاصة مرحلة التصويت أو الاقتراع.

مادة 93: الفصل في صحة عضوية نواب مجلس الشعب

النص قبل التعديل:

يختص المجلس بالفصل في صحة عضوية أعضائه و تختص محكمة النقض بالتحقيق في صحة الطعون المقدمة إلى المجلس بعد إحالتها إليها من رئيسه و يجب إحالة الطعن إلى محكمة النقض خلال خمسة عشر يوما من تاريخ علم المجلس به و يجب الانتهاء من التحقيق خلال تسعين يوما من تاريخ إحالته إلى محكمة النقض و تعرض نتيجة التحقيق و الرأي الذي انتهت إليه المحكمة على المجلس للفصل في صحة الطعن خلال ستين يوما من تاريخ عرض نتيجة التحقيق على المجلس و لا تعتبر العضوية باطلة إلا بقرار يصدر بأغلبية ثلثي أعضاء المجلس.

النص بعد التعديل:

تختص محكمة النقض بالفصل في صحة عضوية أعضاء مجلس الشعب و تقدم الطعون إلى المحكمة خلال مدة لا تتجاوز ثلاثين يوما من تاريخ إعلان نتيجة الانتخاب و تفصل المحكمة في الطعن خلال تسعين يوما من تاريخ وروده إليها. وتعتبر العضوية باطلة من تاريخ إبلاغ مجلس الشعب بقرار المحكمة.

نقاط الاختلاف:

أسفر التعديل في هذه المادة عن فارق حقيقي بشأن الفصل في صحة عضوية أعضاء البرلمان والذي كان مقرر للمجلس ذاته إلا أن التعديل قد أولى لمحكمة النقض وهو اختصاص أصيل لها يتم تفعيله وتأكيده تحقيقاً وفصلاً بعد إعلان نتيجة الانتخاب خلال مدد معينة مرتباً أثر إسقاط العضوية بمجرد تقرير محكمة النقض ذلك و إبلاغ مجلس الشعب مقوضا بذلك المبدأ الذي استقر في تاريخ البرلمان المصري بأن مجلس الشعب (سيد قراره)

مادة 139: تعيين نائب لرئيس الجمهورية

النص قبل التعديل:

لرئيس الجمهورية أن يعين نائبا له أو أكثر و يحدد اختصاصهم و يعفيهم من مناصبهم و تسري القواعد المنظمة لمساءلة رئيس الجمهورية على نواب رئيس الجمهورية.

النص بعد التعديل:

يعين رئيس الجمهورية خلال ستين يوما على الأكثر من مباشرته مهام منصبه نائبا له أو أكثر و يحدد اختصاصاته فإذا اقتضت الحال إعفاءه من منصبه وجب أن يعين غيره و تسري الشروط الواجب توافرها في رئيس الجمهورية و القواعد المنظمة لمساءلته على نواب رئيس الجمهورية.

نقاط الاختلاف:

شدد التعديل على خلاف النص السابق على التحول من جوازية إلى وجوبية اختيار نائب أو أكثر لرئيس الجمهورية خلال ستين يوما من اختيار رئيس الجمهورية تنطبق عليه ذات الشروط المطلوبة لشغل منصب الرئاسة تأكيدا على متطلبات الولاء و الانتماء في أداء هذه الوظائف الرئاسية.

مادة 148: إعلان حالة الطوارئ

النص قبل التعديل:

يعلن رئيس الجمهورية حالة الطوارئ على الوجه المبين في القانون و يجب عرض هذا الإعلان على مجلس الشعب خلال خمسة عشر يوما التالية ليقرر ما يراه بشأنه و إذا كان مجلس الشعب منحلا يعرض الأمر على المجلس الجديد في أول اجتماع له و في جميع الأحوال يكون إعلان حالة الطوارئ لمدة محدودة و لا يجوز مدها إلا بموافقة مجلس الشعب.

النص بعد التعديل:

يعلن رئيس الجمهورية حالة الطوارئ على الوجه المبين في القانون و يجب عرض هذا الإعلان على مجلس الشعب خلال السبعة أيام التالية ليقرر ما يراه بشأنه فإذا تم الإعلان في غير دور الانعقاد وجبت دعوة المجلس للانعقاد فورا للعرض عليه و ذلك بمراعاة الميعاد المنصوص عليه في الفقرة السابقة و إذا كان مجلس الشعب منحلا يعرض الأمر على المجلس الجديد في أول اجتماع له و يجب موافقة أغلبية أعضاء مجلس الشعب على إعلان حالة الطوارئ و في جميع الأحوال يكون إعلان حالة الطوارئ لمدة محدودة لا تتجاوز ستة أشهر و لا يجوز مدها إلا بعد استفتاء الشعب و موافقته على ذلك.

نقاط الاختلاف:

جاء التعديل في هذه المادة مع إطالة في حجم المادة إشارة إلى خطورة الموضوع الذي تناقشه من حيث إعلان حالة الطوارئ حيث يتضح من النص بعد التعديل أنها حالة استثنائية في البلاد يجب تحديد فترات إعلانها و إنهائها على وجه السرة حيث يكون إعلانها لفترة ستة اشهر و لا يجوز مدها إلا بعد استفتاء الشعب على ذلك و أن يكون إعلانها ابتداء بعد العرض على مجلس الشعب خلال سبعة أيام عن طريق رئيس الجمهورية و موافقة أغلبية أعضاء مجلس الشعب على إعلان حالة الطوارئ.

مادة 179: مكافحة الإرهاب

النص قبل التعديل:

تعمل الدولة على حماية الأمن و النظام العام في مواجهة أخطار الإرهاب و ينظم القانون أحكاما خاصة بإجراءات الاستدلال و التحقيق التي تقتضيها ضرورة مواجهة هذه الأخطار و بحيث لا يحول الإجراء المنصوص عليه في كل من الفقرة الأولى من المادة 41 و المادة 44 و الفقرة الثانية من المادة 45 من الدستور دون تلك المواجهة و ذلك كله تحت رقابة القضاء و لرئيس الجمهورية أن يحيل أية جريمة من جرائم الإرهاب إلى أية جهة قضاء منصوص عليها في الدستور أو القانون.

النص بعد التعديل:

تم إلغاء النص.

نقاط الاختلاف:

جاء التعديل في هذا النص بالإلغاء تأكيدا على أن ما جاء بالمادة قبل التعديل من تدابير ما هو إلا تكتل لبعض السلطات غير الاستثنائية لرئيس الجمهورية بما قد يؤذي ما تقرر للشعب من حقوق و حريات و مقومات للمجتمع مما قد يؤدي في بعض الأحيان إلى أن يحاكم الفرد أمام قاض غير قاضيه الطبيعي و أمام محاكم استثنائية يختارها رئي الجمهورية في جرائم يحددها بنفسه و حماية للحقوق و الحريات كان النص جديرا بالإلغاء.

مادة 189: أحكام عامة وانتقالية

النص قبل التعديل:

لكل من رئيس الجمهورية و مجلس الشعب طلب تعديل مادة أو أكثر من مواد الدستور و يجب أن يذكر في طلب التعديل المواد المطلوب تعديلها و الأسباب الداعية إلى هذه التعديل فإذا كان الطلب صادرا من مجلس الشعب وجب أن يكون موقعا من ثلث أعضاء المجلس على الأقل و في جميع الأحوال يناقش المجلس مبدأ التعديل و يصدر قراره في شأنه بأغلبية أعضائه فإذا رفض الطلب لا يجوز إعادة طلب تعديل المواد ذاتها قبل مضي سنة على هذا الرفض و إذا وافق مجلس الشعب على مبدأ التعديل يناقش بعد شهرين من تاريخ الموافقة المواد المطلوب تعديلها فإذا وافق على التعديل ثلث أعضاء المجلس عرض على الشعب لاستفتائه في شأنه فإذا ووفق على التعديل اعتبر نافذا من تاريخ إعلان نتيجة الاستفتاء.

النص بعد التعديل:

لكل من رئيس الجمهورية و مجلس الشعب طلب تعديل مادة أو أكثر من مواد الدستور و يجب أن يذكر في طلب التعديل المواد المطلوب تعديلها و الأسباب الداعية إلى هذه التعديل فإذا كان الطلب صادرا من مجلس الشعب وجب أن يكون موقعا من ثلث أعضاء المجلس على الأقل و في جميع الأحوال يناقش المجلس مبدأ التعديل و يصدر قراره في شأنه بأغلبية أعضائه فإذا رفض الطلب لا يجوز إعادة طلب تعديل المواد ذاتها قبل مضي سنة على هذا الرفض و إذا وافق مجلس الشعب على مبدأ التعديل يناقش بعد شهرين من تاريخ الموافقة المواد المطلوب تعديلها فإذا وافق على التعديل ثلث أعضاء المجلس عرض على الشعب لاستفتائه في شأنه فإذا ووفق على التعديل اعتبر نافذا من تاريخ إعلان نتيجة الاستفتاء

و لكل من رئيس الجمهورية و بعد موافقة مجلس الوزراء و نصف أعضاء مجلسي الشعب و الشورى طلب إصدار دستور جديد و تتولى جمعية تأسيسية من مائة عضو ينتخبهم أغلبية أعضاء المجلسين غير المعينين في اجتماع مشترك إعداد مشروع الدستور في موعد غايته ستة أشهر من تاريخ تشكيلها و يعرض رئيس الجمهورية المشروع خلال خمس عشرة يوما من إعداده على الشعب لاستفتائه في شانه و يعمل بالدستور من تاريخ إعلان موافقة الشعب عليه في الاستفتاء.

نقاط الاختلاف:

جاء التعديل في هذه المادة بالإضافة و توسيع قاعدة الاقتراحات الدستورية من رئيس الجمهورية أو نصف أعضاء مجلسي الشعب والشورى لتشمل الاقتراح بإقرار دستور جديد و ليس فقط تعديل الدستور كما كان النص قبل التعديل و أشرك في ذلك موافقة مجلس الوزراء لأهمية الأمر و حدد لجنة لإقرار مشروع الدستور من مائة عضو منتخب من أعضاء مجلسي البرلمان غير المعينين على أن يوضع مشروع الدستور خلال ستة أشهر ثم يتم الاستفتاء عليه من الشعب.

مادة 189 مكرراً ومادة 189 مكرراً (1): أحكام عامة وانتقالية

النص قبل التعديل:

النص مضاف و لم يكن موجودا قبل التعديل.

النص بعد التعديل:

يجتمع الأعضاء غير المعينين لأول مجلسي شعب و شورى تاليين لإعلان نتيجة الاستفتاء على تعديل الدستور لاختيار الجمعية التأسيسية المنوط بها إعداد مشروع الدستور الجديد خلال ستة اشهر من انتخابهم و ذلك كله وفقا لأحكام الفقرة الأخيرة من المادة 189.

نقاط الاختلاف:

جاء النص بصيغة الإضافة لاقتراح لمبدأ دستوري هام و ملح لضبط الحياة الدستورية في البلاد و وجوب إقرار مشروع دستور جديد بعد ما تم من ثورات و إسقاط للنظام الحاكم و تعطيل أحكام الدستور الذي كان يعمل ذلك النظام في ظله على أن يتم بعد الاستفتاء على التعديلات الدستورية انتخابات برلمانية و يجتمع الأعضاء المنتخبون من مجلسي الشعب و الشورى لانتخاب أعضاء الجمعية التأسيسية لإعداد مشروع الدستور الجديد خلال ستة أشهر وفقا للتعديل في المادة السابقة.

المادة 189 مكرراً 1:

النص قبل التعديل:

النص مضاف و لم يكن موجودا قبل التعديل.

النص بعد التعديل:

يمارس أول مجلس شورى بعد إعلان نتيجة الاستفتاء على تعديل الدستور بأعضائه المنتخبين اختصاصاته و يتولى رئيس الجمهورية فور انتخابه استكمال تشكيل المجلس بتعيين ثلث أعضائه و يكون تعيين هؤلاء لاستكمال المدة الباقية للمجلس على النحو المبين بالقانون.

نقاط الاختلاف:

جاء النص المعدل بالإضافة كاشفا عن ترتيب دستوري تتطلبه المرحلة الحالية في البلاد بأن تسبق الانتخابات الرئاسية انتخابات البرلمان بمجلسيه و لما كان العمل في مجلس الشورى و هو أحد ركني البرلمان المصري يختلف عن مجلس الشعب حيث يعين رئيس الجمهورية ثلث أعضائه لذلك و لحين إجراء الانتخابات الرئاسية بعد الانتخابات البرلمانية يمارس الأعضاء المنتخبون بمجلس الشورى أعمال المجلس لحين اختيار رئيس الجمهورية و قيامه بتعيين أعضاء مجلس الشورى الباقين و استكمال أعضاء مجلس الشورى ومدة انعقاده وفقاً للقانون.

More info

libya petition

2011-03-14T18:20:00.001-07:00

Please consider supporting the following petition:

https://www.csidonline.org/sign-libya-appeal

________________________________

Videos: http://www.youtube.com/huquqTV

Blog: http://huquq-com.blogspot.com/
Website: http://huquq.com/

_________________________________

Bahrain: Forecasting the Future

2011-02-23T06:49:00.000-08:00

By Dr. Robert D. Crane

Finally, the need for justice in Bahrain has become newsworthy. Unfortunately, Bahrain may be the only Muslim country where the ruling regime eventually will be not merely replaced but rather physically annihilated.

When I was Principal Economic and Budget Advisor to the Finance Minister and to the Minister of Industry thirty-four years ago, I was forbidden from including anything Shi'i in the Five Year Plan that I was asked to prepare. All the oil wealth went to the Sunnis. This was supposed to encourage the Shi'a to leave, like the Palestinians in Palestine. While the Sunnis lived in the mushrooming modern apartment complexes, the Shi'i villages had not changed in centuries, but this was carefully hidden from the Western media.

The very able son of the Interior Minister was assigned as my understudy. One day he happened to open the trunk of his car when I was with him. Inside was a veritable arsenal of weapons. When I asked him why all this, he replied, "Because someday the Shi'a are going to kill us, but I am going to help kill ten times as many of them as they can kill of us".

The most enlightened of the Al Khalifa family was the present King Hamad, who was then a young Minister of Defense. He has no power, however, because The Prime Minister of Bahrain, Khalifa al Khalifa, is probably the most corrupt ruler in the Arab world, which is saying a lot. He has called the shots for almost half a century. He had his own Alcatraz Island off the coast where he put the young Shi'a when they dared to return home from studying abroad, what few of them were permitted to study at all.

The Bahrainis have been brutally occupied since the Al Khalifa tribe invaded from Eastern Arabia in 1786. The Sunnis, who then constituted zero percent of the Bahraini population, have managed to build to 30% of the total half million residents, but I would forecast that they will be back to zero percent within the next ten years, unless the people of Bahrain can take over the government peacefully. Unfortunately, the prospects of such a peaceful change are not good.

The problem of replacing injustice with justice in Bahrain is not merely political and economic repression, but religious apartheid, like in Europe during the Thirty Years War from 1618 to 1648. This was resolved only by elevating the Western concept of the State to replace God. This secularization was the source of Communism, Nazism, and political Zionism.

In contrast, the American Revolution was to put God and natural law back as the source of all authority, which is possible only if organized religion does not replace faith as the foundation of human dignity. In America we have not yet declined to the state of the State of Bahrain, but Congressman King's hearings next month may give a foretaste of the future.

لقد هرمنا.. هرمنا..من اجل هذه اللحظة التاريخية

2011-02-17T07:43:00.000-08:00

Iraqi Says He Made Up Tale of Biological Weapons Before War

2011-02-16T11:19:00.000-08:00

The defector, Rafid Ahmed Alwan al-Janabi, who was code-named “Curveball” by the Central Intelligence Agency and German intelligence officials, told the British newspaper The Guardian on Tuesday that he had concocted his tale that Iraq was hiding mobile bioweapons laboratories. He did so, he said, in hopes that his lies would lead to the eventual overthrow of the Iraqi ruler.

“I had the chance to fabricate something to topple the regime,” Mr. Janabi told the newspaper. “I and my sons are proud of that, and we are proud that we were the reason to give Iraq the margin of democracy.”

Read story

U.S. Shifts Tone on Egypt

2011-01-28T08:44:00.000-08:00

By JONATHAN WEISMAN

WASHINGTON—With events moving rapidly in Egypt, the Obama administration sharply shifted its tone Friday, expressing "deep concern" over "unfolding" actions and urging "open communications" after Egyptian President Hsni Mubarak shut down Internet and cell services in the world's largest Arab country.

State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley took to the social-networking site Twitter to say, "Events unfolding in Egypt are of deep concern. Fundamental rights must be respected, violence avoided and open communications allowed."

That message was a change from Thursday's calls for restraint, which were accompanied by mild expressions of support for Mr. Mubarak.

On PBS Thursday night, Vice President Joe Biden said, "Mubarak has been an ally of ours in a number of things. And he's been very responsible on, relative to geopolitical interest in the region, the Middle East peace efforts; the actions Egypt has taken relative to normalizing relationship with—with Israel. …I would not refer to him as a dictator."

Those comments garnered criticism Friday as police and armored vehicles took to the streets of Cairo with water cannons, tear gas, and in some cases, live fire to suppress the rapidly spreading protests.

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703956604576110010191338884.html?mod=googlenews_wsj

Egypt's Turmoil: Police Use Live Ammo and the Army Marches in

2011-01-28T08:43:00.000-08:00

Egypt's Turmoil: Police Use Live Ammo and the Army Marches in

Read more: http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2044923,00.html#ixzz1CLhzHv1y

The Revolution, Televised

Tens of thousands of Egyptians streamed out of mosques after Friday prayers and took to the streets to demand the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak after 30 years in power. They clashed with thousands of riot police deployed to crush the protest. Reports from on the ground depict ongoing fierce running battles between police and protestors in Cairo, Alexandria, and other cities. Watch the action in Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world live, in English, on the network at the center of the storm, Qatar's Al-Jazeera.

LeKef.com ....الكاف: الاحتجاج يتصاعد وبن علي يتوعد

2010-12-30T13:00:00.000-08:00

LeKef.com ....الكاف: الاحتجاج يتصاعد وبن علي يتوعد: "امتد لقفصة والكاف وباجة وقبلي توسعت الاحتجاجات التي تشهدها تونس منذ 13 يوما واندلعت شرارتها الأولى في ولاية سيدي بوزيد وسط البل..."

بن علي يعزل والي سيدي بوزيد

2010-12-30T12:58:00.000-08:00

إحدى مظاهرات الاحتجاجات الاجتماعية في تونس (الفرنسية)

عزل الرئيس التونسي زين العابدين بن علي اليوم الخميس والي سيدي بوزيد التي انطلقت منها الاحتجاجات الاجتماعية الأخيرة ضد ما أسموه "تردي الظروف المعيشية وتفشي البطالة والفساد"، وذلك ضمن تعديلات شملت تعيين ثلاثة ولاة جدد، ويأتي ذلك بعد يوم واحد من تعديل وزاري شمل أربع وزارات.

وذكرت وكالة الأنباء التونسية الحكومية أن الرئيس بن علي قرر تعيين عبد الحميد العلوي واليا على سيدي بوزيد، ومحمد بن عبد الله واليا على جندوبة، ولطفي شوبة واليا على زغوان.

واندلعت اشتباكات عنيفة بين الشرطة وشبان غاضبين بسبب تفشي البطالة في سيدي بوزيد، بعد أن أقدم شاب على حرق نفسه احتجاجا على مصادرة عربة للخضروات والغلال يقتات منها، إضافة إلى منعه من مقابلة الوالي لتقديم شكواه.

كما توفي اليوم شاب تونسي ثان متأثرا بجروحه التي أصيب بها خلال الاشتباكات التي جرت مع قوات الأمن في مدينة منزل بوزيان.

وكانت عدة مدن تونسية شهدت في وقت سابق محاولات للخروج في مظاهرات احتجاج اجتماعية جديدة، غير أن القوات الأمنية حاصرتها كما هو الحال في جندوبة وقابس وجبنيانة. وتزامن ذلك مع انتقاد عدد من قيادات المعارضة التونسية المحظورة لخطاب الرئيس زين العابدين بن علي الذي تنصل فيه من المسؤولية، وتجاهل مطالب واحتجاجات غالبية التونسيين، حسب هذه القيادات.

وفي مدينة المهدية شرق تونس، منع رئيس الاتحاد العام التونسي للشغل المتظاهرين من الخروج في مسيرة نحو المدينة. كما أجهضت قوات الأمن مسيرة وسط العاصمة.

وكان الرئيس التونسي أعلن تعديلا وزاريا الأربعاء عين بموجبه سمير العبيدي وزيرا للاتصال، وعبد الحميد سلامة وزيرا للشباب. وتعهد الرئيس التونسي بأن تبذل حكومته مزيدا من الجهود لمواجهة بطالة خريجي التعليم العالي، لكنه توعد بالحزم في تطبيق القانون ضد من أسماهم المتطرفين والمأجورين ضد مصالح بلدهم.

كما طالب بن علي المسؤولين بالمرونة في التعامل مع المواطنين، واستقبالهم وتلقي شكاواهم والتعامل معها بجدية.

Turkey demands Israel apologize for Gaza flotilla raid

2010-12-05T16:35:00.001-08:00

By Reuters

Tags: Israel news Israel fire Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan Benjamin Netanyahu

Turkey still expects an apology and compensation for nine Turkish activists killed on a Gaza-bound ship this year, despite its offer of help to Israel in battling forest fires, its prime minister said on Sunday.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu telephoned Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan on Friday to thank him after Turkey sent firefighting planes to help battle forest fires in northern Israel that killed 41 people.

It was the first conversation between the two men since Israeli commandos killed the nine Turkish activists while storming their boat, the Mavi Marmara,that was bringing supplies to the blockaded Gaza Strip.

Netanyahu said Turkey's gesture would be an opportunity to improve ties between the erstwhile allies. But Erdogan said the help on the fires was purely humanitarian.

"We would never stand by when people are being killed and nature is being destroyed anywhere in the world," Erdogan said in comments broadcast live by CNN Turk. "No one should try to interpret this any differently.

"Now some are coming out and saying, 'Let's begin a new phase.' Before that, our demands must be met ... Our nine brothers martyred on the Mavi Marmara must be accounted for. First an apology must be made and compensation must be paid."

Israel had enjoyed close military and commercial ties with Muslim but secular Turkey since the 1990s.

Netanyahu's government has since accused Erdogan, a devout Muslim, of turning away from Western allies and embracing Iran and other Islamic states.

Erdogan criticized Israeli conduct during strikes on Gaza in late 2008 and early 2009, which followed Turkish efforts to mediate between Israel and Syria in failed peace talks.

In The News Now (ITN2): Islamic World Newswire; Islamic World in the News Now: wikileaks docs: Saudi king urges US strike on Iran...

2010-12-02T09:30:00.000-08:00

In The News Now (ITN2): Islamic World Newswire; Islamic World in the News Now: wikileaks docs: Saudi king urges US strike on Iran...: "Sunday, 20 April 2008, 08:47 S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 RIYADH 000649 SIPDIS SIPDIS WHITE HOUSE FOR OVP, DEPARTMENT FOR NEA/ARP AND S/I SA..."

Sunday, 20 April 2008, 08:47
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 RIYADH 000649
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
WHITE HOUSE FOR OVP, DEPARTMENT FOR NEA/ARP AND S/I
SATTERFIELD
EO 12958 DECL: 04/19/2018
TAGS EAID, ECON, EFIN, IZ, PGOV, PREL, MOPS, SA, IR
SUBJECT: SAUDI KING ABDULLAH AND SENIOR PRINCES ON SAUDI
POLICY TOWARD IRAQ
Classified By: CDA Michael Gfoeller, Reasons 1.4 (b,d)

Summary
King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia repeatedly asks America to attack Iran to stop its nuclear programme. He warns that if Tehran develops a nuclear weapon, then so will the Saudis and other countries in the region.

1. (S) Summary: US Ambassador to Iraq Ryan Crocker and General David Petraeus met with Saudi King Abdullah bin Abd al-Aziz, Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal, General Presidency of Intelligence Chief Prince Muqrin bin Abd al-Aziz, and Interior Minister Nayif bin Abd al-Aziz during their April 14-15 visit to Riyadh. The Saudi King and senior Princes reviewed Saudi policy toward Iraq in detail, all making essentially the same points. They said that the Kingdom will not send an ambassador to Baghdad or open an embassy until the King and senior Saudi officials are satisfied that the security situation has improved and the Iraqi government has implemented policies that benefit all Iraqis, reinforce Iraq's Arab identity, and resist Iranian influence. The Saudis evinced somewhat greater flexibility regarding the issues of economic and humanitarian assistance for Iraq and debt forgiveness. In a conversation with the Charge' on April 17, Saudi Ambassador to the US Adel al-Jubeir indicated that the King had been very impressed by the visit of Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus, and al-Jubeir hinted that the Saudi government might announce changes to its Iraq policy before the President's visit to Riyadh in mid-May. End Summary.

Positive Signs in Iraq

2. (S) In all their meetings with the Saudi royals, both Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus conveyed the progress in Iraq and confirmed the negative role Iran is playing in Iraq. They characterized the recent ISF-led operations in Basra and Baghdad as having a striking effect against the Shia militias, most importantly turning Iraqi public opinion away from the militias. While Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's decision to take action against the militias was described as hasty and not well-planned, Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus emphasized that any tactical shortfalls were overshadowed by the greater positive effect of unifying Iraq and demonstrating the GOI's, and most specifically al-Maliki's, determined resolve to take on the Shia militias, especially Jaysh al-Madhi. Concurrently, these operations unequivocally demonstrated Iran's subversive activities in Iraq and its broader regional ambitions. Throughout all their discussions, Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus stressed the importance and urgent need for the Saudis to join us in supporting Iraq.

The Saudi Embassy Issue

3. (S) King Abdullah, the Foreign Minister, and Prince Muqrin all stated that the Saudi government would not send an ambassador to Baghdad or open an embassy there in the near future, citing both security and political grounds in support of this position. The Foreign Minister stated that he had considered dispatching an ambassador and had sent Saudi diplomats to Baghdad to identify a site for the Saudi embassy. However, he said. "the King simply forbade us to go any farther." King Abdullah confirmed this account in a separate meeting with Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus. The King asserted that the security situation in Baghdad was too dangerous for him to risk sending a Saudi ambassador there. "He would immediately become a target for the terrorists and the militias," he said.

4. (S) The King also rejected the suggestion that by sending a Saudi ambassador to Baghdad he could give essential political support to the Iraqi government as it struggles to resist Iranian influence and subversion. He expressed lingering doubt on the Iraqi government's willingness to resist Iran. He also repeated his frequently voiced doubts about Iraqi Prime Minister al-Maliki himself by alluding to his "Iranian connections." The Saudi monarch stated that he does not trust al-Maliki because the Iraqi Prime Minister had "lied" to him in the past by promising to take certain actions and then failing to do so. The King did not say precisely what these allegedly broken promises might have been. He repeated his oft heard view that al-Maliki rules Iraq on behalf of his Shiite sect instead of all Iraqis.

5. (S) However, in a potentially significant move, the King did not reject the idea of dispatching a Saudi ambassador to Baghdad completely. Instead, he said that he would consider

RIYADH 00000649 002 OF 003

doing so after the Iraqi provincial elections are held in the autumn. The conduct of these elections would indicate whether or not the Iraqi government is truly interested in ruling on behalf of all Iraqis or merely in support of the Shia, King Abdullah asserted.

Grudging Acknowledgment of Change in Iraq

6. (S) The Foreign Minister signaled another potential softening in Saudi policy by saying that the Kingdom's problem was not with al-Maliki as a person but rather with the conduct of the Iraqi government. The King himself admitted that the Iraqi government's performance has improved in recent months and grudgingly accepted the point that al-Maliki and his security forces have indeed been fighting extremists, specifically Shia extremists in both Basra and Baghdad and Sunni extremists and Al Qaeda in Mosul. However, the King and the senior Princes argued that more time would be required to judge whether the recent change in Iraqi behavior was lasting and sincere. The King suggested that much of the Iraqi government's improved performance is attributable to US prodding rather than change in Iraqi attitudes.

7. (S) The Foreign Minister also suggested that the USG should prod Ayatollah Sistani to speak out in favor of a unified Iraq and national reconciliation among different Iraqi sects and groups. "You have paid a heavy price in blood and treasure, and Sistani and his people have benefited directly. You have every right to ask this of him," Prince Saud al-Faisal said.

Possible Saudi Economic Assistance

8. (S) The King, Prince Muqrin, and the Foreign Minister all suggested that the Saudi government might be willing to consider the provision of economic and humanitarian assistance to Iraq. Prince Muqrin asked Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus to send him a list of the kinds of assistance that the US government would like to see the Kingdom provide Iraq. Al-Jubeir later told the Charge' that this assistance would be separate from the USD 1 billion in aid that the Saudi government had promised at the Madrid Conference but still not delivered due to security worries. He said that the Madrid commitment consisted of $500 million in trade credits and $500 million in project assistance with strict conditionally, along the lines of what the World Bank would require. Al-Jubeir added that the assistance the Saudi government might provide via Prince Muqrin would initially be in the range of $75-$300 million.

Possible Debt Relief

9. (S) The King noted that Saudi debt relief for Iraq "will come at some point," although he did not say when. Al-Jubeir told the Charge' that debt relief is a real possibility. He also noted that the Saudi government might make changes to its Iraq policy, perhaps including both assistance and debt relief, prior to the President's visit to Riyadh.

The Need to Resist Iran

10. (S) The King, Foreign Minister, Prince Muqrin, and Prince Nayif all agreed that the Kingdom needs to cooperate with the US on resisting and rolling back Iranian influence and subversion in Iraq. The King was particularly adamant on this point, and it was echoed by the senior princes as well. Al-Jubeir recalled the King's frequent exhortations to the US to attack Iran and so put an end to its nuclear weapons program. "He told you to cut off the head of the snake," he recalled to the Charge', adding that working with the US to roll back Iranian influence in Iraq is a strategic priority for the King and his government.

11. (S) The Foreign Minister, on the other hand, called instead for much more severe US and international sanctions on Iran, including a travel ban and further restrictions on bank lending. Prince Muqrin echoed these views, emphasizing that some sanctions could be implemented without UN approval. The Foreign Minister also stated that the use of military pressure against Iran should not be ruled out.

RIYADH 00000649 003 OF 003

12. (S) Comment: Saudi attitudes toward Iraq, from the King on down, remain marked by skepticism and suspicion. That said, the Saudis have noticed recent events in Iraq and are eager to work with the US to resist and reverse Iranian encroachment in Iraq. The King was impressed by Ambassador Crocker's and General Petraeus' visit, as were the Foreign Minister, GPI Chief, and Interior Minister. Cautious as ever, the Saudis may nevertheless be willing to consider new measures in the areas of assistance and debt relief, although further discussions will be required to make these ideas a reality. End Comment. 13. (U) This cable was reviewed and cleared by Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus. GFOELLER

The Palestinians of Israel are poised to take centre stage

2010-11-30T06:45:00.000-08:00

In a quiet street in the Sheikh Jarrah district of occupied East Jerusalem 88-year-old Rifka al-Kurd is explaining how she came to live in the house she and her husband built as Palestinian refugees in the 1950s. As she speaks, three young ultra-orthodox Jewish settlers swagger in to stake their claim to the front part of the building, shouting abuse in Hebrew and broken Arabic: "Arab animals", "shut up, whore".

There is a brief physical confrontation with Rifka's daughter as the settlers barricade themselves in to the rooms they have occupied since last winter. That was when they finally won a court order to take over the Kurd family's extension on the grounds that it was built without permission – which Palestinians in Jerusalem are almost never granted. It is an ugly scene, the settlers' chilling arrogance underpinned by the certain knowledge that they can call in the police and army at will.

But such takeovers of Palestinian homes in Sheikh Jarrah have become commonplace, and the focus of continual protest. The same is true in nearby Silwan, home to upwards of 30,000 Palestinians next to the Old City, where 88 homes to 1,500 Palestinians have been lined up for demolition to make way for a King David theme park and hundreds of settlers are protected round the clock by trigger-happy security guards.

Throughout the Arab areas of Jerusalem, as in the West Bank, the government is pressing ahead with land expropriations, demolitions and settlement building, making the prospects of a Palestinian state ever more improbable. More than a third of the land in East Jerusalem has been expropriated since it was occupied in 1967 to make way for Israeli colonists, in flagrant violation of international law.

Israel's latest settlement plans were not "helpful", Barack Obama ventured on Tuesday. But while US-sponsored Israeli-Palestinian negotiations go nowhere and attention has been focused on the brutal siege of Gaza, the colonisation goes on. It is also proceeding apace in Israel proper, where the demolition of Palestinian Bedouin villages around the Negev desert has accelerated under Binyamin Netanyahu.

About 87,000 Bedouin live in 45 "unrecognised" villages, without rights or basic public services, because the Israeli authorities refuse to recognise their claim to the land. All have demolition orders hanging over them, while hundreds of Jewish settlements have been established throughout the area.

The Israeli writer Amos Oz calls the Negev a "ticking time bomb". The village of Araqeeb has been destroyed six times in recent months and each time it has been reconstructed by its inhabitants. The government wants to clear the land and move the Bedouin into designated townships. But even there, demolitions are carried out on a routine basis.

At the weekend, a mosque in the Bedouin town of Rahat was torn down by the army in the night. By Sunday afternoon, local people were already at work on rebuilding it, as patriotic songs blared out from the PA system and activists addressed an angry crowd.

The awakening of the Negev Bedouin, many of whom used to send their sons to fight in the Israeli army, reflects a wider politicisation of the Arab citizens of Israel. Cut off from the majority of Palestinians after 1948, they tried to find an accommodation with the state whose discrimination against them was, in the words of former prime minister Ehud Olmert, "deep-seated and intolerable" from the first.

That effort has as good as been abandoned. The Arab parties in the Israeli Knesset now reject any idea of Israel as an ethnically defined state, demanding instead a "state of all its people". The influential Islamic Movement refuses to take part in the Israeli political system at all. The Palestinians of '48, who now make up getting on for 20% of the population, are increasingly organising themselves on an independent basis – and in common cause with their fellow Palestinians across the Green Line.

Palestinian experience inside Israel, from land confiscations to settlement building and privileged ethnic segregation, is not after all so different from what has taken place in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. After 1948, the Palestinians of Jaffa who survived ethnic cleansing were forced to share their houses with Jewish settlers – just as Rifka al-Kurd is in Jerusalem today. The sense of being one people is deepening.

That has been intensified by ever more aggressive attempts under the Netanyahu government to bring Israel's Arab citizens to heel, along with growing demands to transfer hundreds of thousands of them to a future West Bank administration. A string of new laws targeting the Palestinian minority are in the pipeline, including the bill agreed by the Israeli cabinet last month requiring all new non-Jewish citizens to swear an oath of allegiance to Israel as a Jewish state.

Pressure on Palestinian leaders and communities is becoming harsher. A fortnight ago more than a thousand soldiers and police were on hand to protect a violent march by a far-right racist Israeli group through the Palestinian town of Umm al-Fahm. The leader of the Islamic Movement, Ra'ed Salah, is in prison for spitting at a policeman; the Palestinian MP Haneen Zoabi has been stripped of her parliamentary privileges for joining the Gaza flotilla; and leading civil rights campaigner Ameer Makhoul faces up to 10 years in jail after being convicted of the improbable charge of spying for Hezbollah.

Meanwhile Israel is also demanding that the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah recognise Israel as a Jewish state as part of any agreement. Few outside the Palestinian Authority – or even inside it – seem to believe that the "peace process" will lead to any kind of settlement. Even Fatah leaders such as Nabil Sha'ath now argue that the Palestinians need to consider a return to armed resistance, or a shift to the South African model of mass popular resistance, also favoured by prominent Palestinians in Israel.

As for the people who actually won the last elections, Mahmoud Ramahi, the Hamas secretary general of the Palestinian parliament, reminded me on Monday that the US continues to veto any reconciliation with Fatah. He was arrested by the Israelis barely 24 hours later, just as talks between the two parties were getting going in Damascus.

The focus of the Palestinian-Israeli struggle has shifted over the last 40 years from Jordan to Lebanon to the occupied territories. With the two-state solution close to collapse, it may be that the Palestinians of Israel are at last about to move centre stage. If so, the conflict that more than any other has taken on a global dimension will have finally come full circle.

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Source: Seumas Milne Wednesday 10 November 2010

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/nov/10/palestinians-poised-to-take-centre-stage o

Officials: Fire set at Oregon Islamic center where Portland bomb plot suspect worshiped

2010-11-28T12:41:00.000-08:00

JONATHAN COOPER, NIGEL DUARA

Associated Press

2:26 PM CST, November 28, 2010

CORVALLIS, Ore. (AP) — Anger over a Somali-born teen's failed plan to blow up a van full of explosives during Portland's Christmas tree lighting ceremony erupted in arson on Sunday when a fire damaged an Islamic center frequented by the suspect, authorities said.

Police don't know who started the blaze or exactly why, but they believe the Islamic center in Corvallis was targeted because terror suspect Mohamed Osman Mohamud, 19, occasionally worshipped there.

Yosof Wanly, the imam at the Salman Alfarisi Islamic Center, said he was advised by friends to take his family out of their home because of the potential threat of hate crime, and members decried the alleged arson attack. No one was injured, and the fire was contained to one room.

"We know how it is, we know some people due to ignorance are going to perceive of these things and hold most Muslims accountable," Wanly said. "We do what we can, but it's a tough situation."

The failed attack on Portland's Christmas tree lighting ceremony on Friday is testing tolerance in what has typically been a state accepting of Muslims, and the FBI warned it would not accept retribution for Mohamud's alleged plot.

The agency was working closely with leadership at the center as agents investigated the fire, said Arthur Balizan, Special Agent in Charge of the FBI in Oregon. A $10,000 reward was offered for information leading to an arrest.

Ahson Saeed, 25, who worships at the center, called the fire "a heinous act."

The fire was reported at 2:15 a.m., and evidence at the scene led authorities believe it was set intentionally, said Carla Pusateri, a fire prevention officer for the Corvallis Fire Department.

After daybreak, members gathered at the Corvallis center, where a broken window had been boarded up.

"I've prayed for my family and friends, because obviously if someone was deliberate to do this, what's to stop them from coming to our homes and our schools?" said Mohamed Alyagouri, a 31-year-old father of two, who worships at the center. "I'm afraid for my children getting harassed from their teachers, maybe from their friends."

Mohamud was being held on charges of plotting to carry out a terror attack in Portland. He is scheduled to appear in court on Monday, and it wasn't clear if he had a lawyer yet.

On Friday, he parked what he thought was a bomb-laden van near the ceremony and then went to a nearby train station, where he dialed a cell phone that he believed would detonate the vehicle, federal authorities said. Instead, federal authorities moved in and arrested him. No one was hurt.

Authorities have not explained how Mohamud, an OSU student until he dropped out on Oct. 6, became so radicalized. Mohamud graduated from high school in Beaverton, although few details of his time there were available Saturday.

Wanly described him as a normal student who went to athletic events, drank the occasional beer and was into rap music and culture. In the days leading up to his arrest Friday, however, Mohamud's friends thought he appeared at edge, Wanly said.

"He seemed to be in a state of confusion," Wanly said. "He would say things that weren't true. He'd say 'I'm going to go get married,' for example. He wasn't going to go get married."

Officials said Mohamud had no formal ties to foreign terror groups, although he had reached out to suspected terrorists in Pakistan.

FBI agents say they began investigating after receiving a tip from an unidentified person who expressed concern about Mohamud. Wanly said Mohamud was religious but didn't come to the mosque consistently.

Beginning in August 2009, court documents allege, Mohamud began e-mail communications with a friend overseas who had studied in Oregon, asking how he could travel to Pakistan and join the fight for jihad.

The e-mail exchanges led the FBI to believe that Mohamud's friend in Pakistan "had joined others involved in terrorist activities" and was inviting Mohamud to join him, prosecutors said.

Mohamud tried to board a flight to Kodak, Alaska, on June 14 from Portland but wasn't allowed to board and was interviewed by the FBI, prosecutors said. Mohamud told the FBI he wanted to earn money fishing and then travel to join "the brothers." He said he had previously hoped to travel to Yemen but had never obtained a ticket or a visa.

Less than two weeks later, an agent e-mailed Mohamud, pretending to be affiliated with one of the people overseas whom Mohamud had tried to contact.

Undercover agents then set up a series of face-to-face meetings with Mohamud at hotels in Portland and Corvallis.

During their first meeting on July 30, Mohamud told an agent there were a number of ways he could help "the cause," ranging from praying five times a day to "becoming a martyr."

Mohamud replied he "thought of putting an explosion together but that he needed help doing so," the documents said.

At a second meeting on Aug. 19 at a Portland hotel, the agent brought another undercover agent, the documents said, and Mohamud told them he had selected Pioneer Courthouse Square for the bombing.

On Nov. 4, in the backcountry along Oregon's coast, agents convinced Mohamud that he was testing an explosive device — although the explosion was controlled by agents rather than the youth.

The affidavit said Mohamud was warned several times about the seriousness of his plan, that women and children could die, and that he could back out.

Prosecutors say after the trip to the backcountry, Mohamud made a video in the presence of one of the undercover agents, putting on clothes he described as "Sheik Osaka style:" a white robe, red and white headdress, and camouflage jacket. He read a statement speaking of his dream of bringing "a dark day" on Americans and blaming his family for getting in the way.

Friday, an agent and Mohamud drove into downtown Portland to the white van that carried six 55-gallon drums with detonation cords and plastic caps, but all of them were inert.

Authorities said they allowed the plot to proceed to obtain evidence to charge the suspect with attempt.

Tens of thousands of Somalis have resettled in the United States since their country plunged into lawlessness in 1991, and the U.S. has boosted aid to the country.

Wanly, the imam at the Corvallis center, said the local populace has long been accepting of Muslims.

"The common scene here is to be very friendly, accepting various cultures and religions," Wanly said. "The Islamic center has been here for 40 years, it's more American than most Americans with regards to age."

___

Duara reported from Portland. Associated Press writers William McCall and Tim Fought also contributed to this report.

Muslim orphans caught between Islamic, Western law

2010-11-28T11:21:00.001-08:00

By RACHEL ZOLL
The Associated Press
Sunday, November 28, 2010; 12:33 PM

-- Helene Lauffer knew Muslim children - orphaned, displaced, neglected - needed homes in the United States. She knew American Muslim families wanted to take them in.

But Lauffer, associate executive director of Spence-Chapin, one of the oldest adoption agencies in the country, couldn't bring them together.

The problem was a gap between Western and Islamic law. Traditional, closed adoption violates Islamic jurisprudence, which stresses the importance of lineage. Instead, Islam has a guardianship system called kafalah that resembles foster care, yet has no exact counterpart in Western law.

The differences have left young Muslims with little chance of finding a permanent Muslim home in America. So Lauffer sought out a group of Muslim women scholars and activists, hoping they could at least start a discussion among U.S. Muslims about how adoption and Islamic law could become compatible.

"At the end of the day, it's about trying to find families for kids," said Lauffer.

Lauffer is not alone in raising the issue. As Muslim communities become more established in the United States, pressure is building for a re-examination of Islamic law on adoption.

Refugee children from Afghanistan, Iraq and elsewhere are being resettled here. Muslim couples who can't conceive want to adopt but don't want to violate their faith's teachings. State child welfare agencies that permanently remove Muslim children from troubled homes usually can't find Muslim families to adopt them because of the restrictions in Islamic law.

"I get all kinds of families who come to me for fertility issues. They want to adopt and they want to adopt Muslim children and I'm thinking this is a crime that they can't," said Najah Bazzy, a nurse and founder of Zaman International, a humanitarian service group in Dearborn, Mich. "No one is going to convince me that Islam makes no allocation for this. Either somebody is not interpreting it right, or it needs to be reinterpreted."

Mohammad Hamid, a clinical psychologist and co-founder of the Hamdard Center, a social service agency in the Chicago area that has many Muslims among its clients, said he regularly received requests from American Muslims for advice on how they could adopt.

"We don't tell them it's Islamic or un-Islamic," said Hamid, whose nonprofit does not handle adoptions. "Our job is to facilitate the process. We believe if the child can be adopted, you are saving a child."

The prohibition against adoption would appear contrary to the Quran's heavy emphasis on helping orphans. The Prophet Muhammad's father died before his son was born, so the boy's grandfather and uncle served as his guardians, setting an example for all Muslims to follow.

However, Islamic scholars say the restrictions were actually meant to protect children, by ending abuses in pre-Islamic Arabic tribal society.

Ingrid Mattson, professor of Islamic studies at Hartford Seminary in Connecticut, said adoption in that period had more in common with slavery. Men would take in boys, then erase any tie between the child and his biological family. The goal was to gather as many fighters as possible as protection for the tribe. Orphans' property was often stolen in the process.

As a result, Muslims were barred from treating adopted and biological children as identical in naming or inheritance, unless the adoptee was breast-fed as a baby by the adoptive mother, creating a familial bond recognized under Islamic law.

When an orphan reaches puberty, the Islamic prohibition against mixing of the sexes applies inside the home of his or her guardians. Muslim men cannot be alone with women they could potentially marry, and women must cover their hair around these men. Islamic law sets out detailed rules about who believers can and cannot marry, and an orphan taken in from another family would not automatically be considered "unmarriageable" to his siblings or guardians.

For these reasons and others, Muslim countries only rarely allow international adoption.

"There hasn't been a concerted push to open doors for Muslim orphans because the expectation would be that those efforts would fall flat," said Chuck Johnson, chief executive of the National Council for Adoption, a policy group in Alexandria, Va.

Advocates for a new interpretation of Islamic law are more hopeful, at least about the prospect for a different approach to the issue in the United States. Mattson argues that the flexibility in Islamic law for accommodating local cultures and customs can lead to a solution.

Open adoption, which keeps contact between the adoptee and his biological family, is seen as one potential answer. In New South Wales, Australia, child welfare officials created an outreach program to Muslims emphasizing that Australian adoptions are open and adopted children can retain their birth names. The New South Wales program is the only well-known adoption campaign targeting a Muslim minority population in a Western country.

The Muslim women scholars Lauffer consulted in New York, who meet annually as a shura (advisory) council, tackled the complexities of modesty rules inside the home. They debated whether Muslim adoptees in the West could be considered Islamically "unmarriageable" to their siblings or guardians, since Western governments classify adoptees the same as blood relatives. The shura council will soon release a statement on the issue through its organizing body, the Women's Islamic Initiative in Spirituality and Equality.

It's unclear how successful their efforts can be. There is no central authority in Islam to hand down a ruling on adoption. Muslims consult individual scholars, or, in the United States, seek an opinion from an imam at their local mosque.

Catherine England, a Muslim who teaches in the Seattle area, adopted four children after she and her husband learned they could have no children of their own. One of her children is an orphan from Afghanistan. Two others are biological siblings.

"I felt that my understanding - and this is entirely my understanding - is that what is forbidden in Islam is closed adoption," said England, who converted to Islam more than three decades ago. She consulted a Muslim scholar who she said affirmed her view that open adoption was allowed.

Lauffer hopes to hear more stories like England's soon.

In The News Now (ITN2): Islamic World Newswire; Islamic World in the News Now: Erdoğan discusses missile plans with Obama

2010-11-12T10:13:00.000-08:00

In The News Now (ITN2): Islamic World Newswire; Islamic World in the News Now: Erdoğan discusses missile plans with Obama: "A G-20 summit in Seoul offered Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan the opportunity to once more express Ankara’s reservations about ..."

In The News Now (ITN2): Islamic World Newswire; Islamic World in the News Now: Poll success for Bahrain Shia bloc

2010-10-26T10:41:00.000-07:00

In The News Now (ITN2): Islamic World Newswire; Islamic World in the News Now: Poll success for Bahrain Shia bloc: "Bahrain's main Shia Muslim opposition group has won nearly half of the seats in parliament in an election it says was marred by irregular..."

In The News Now (ITN2): Islamic World Newswire; Islamic World in the News Now: Lauren Booth's conversion to Islam

2010-10-25T07:36:00.000-07:00

In The News Now (ITN2): Islamic World Newswire; Islamic World in the News Now: Lauren Booth's conversion to Islam: "By becoming a Muslim, Tony Blair's sister-in-law has made a clear political statement about the society she has rejected Andrew Brown Spir..."

The Elders' View Of the Middle East

2010-10-19T13:35:00.001-07:00

The Elders' View Of the Middle East

By Jimmy Carter
Sunday, September 6, 2009

During the past 16 months I have visited the Middle East four times and met with leaders in Israel, Egypt, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Syria, the West Bank and Gaza. I was in Damascus when President Obama made his historic speech in Cairo, which raised high hopes among the more-optimistic Israelis and Palestinians, who recognize that his insistence on a total freeze of settlement expansion is the key to any acceptable peace agreement or any positive responses toward Israel from Arab nations.
Late last month I traveled to the region with a group of "Elders," including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, former presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil and Mary Robinson of Ireland, former prime minister Gro Brundtland of Norway and women's activist Ela Bhatt of India. Three of us had previously visited Gaza, which is now a walled-in ghetto inhabited by 1.6 million Palestinians, 1.1 million of whom are refugees from Israel and the West Bank and receive basic humanitarian assistance from the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. Israel prevents any cement, lumber, seeds, fertilizer and hundreds of other needed materials from entering through Gaza's gates. Some additional goods from Egypt reach Gaza through underground tunnels. Gazans cannot produce their own food nor repair schools, hospitals, business establishments or the 50,000 homes that were destroyed or heavily damaged by Israel's assault last January.
read article...

كنوز العرب التي في المزابل والسجون

2010-10-12T11:36:00.001-07:00

منصف المرزوقي

ما القاسم المشترك بين السوري العربي هيثم المالح واليابانيين ''أراكاوا تيوزو'' و''شيبا أيانو'' و''كاناموري أيشي''؟ لا شيء تقريبا باستثناء الاشتراك في نفس العمر (ثمانين سنة) عندما عرفوا حدثا هاما في حياتهم، ربما شكل ذروة هذه الحياة.

لنتوقف في البداية عند اليابانيين الثلاثة.

هم ينتمون لمجموعة تضم أكثر من خمسين اسما ويعرفون تحت اسم ''نينجن كوهيهو" أي الكنوز البشرية الحية.

"
تقليد رائع أقرته الحكومة اليابانية عام 1950 عندما قررت أن تعطي لقب كنز بشري حيّ، لكل رجل أو امرأة تميّز بعمله المتقن في أحد الميادين الفنية التي تعرّف الثقافة اليابانية مثل الصناعات التقليدية
"

سنة 1950 قررت الحكومة اليابانية أن تعطي الدولة، بعد استشارة أهل الذكر، لقب كنز بشري حيّ، لكل رجل أو امرأة تميّز بعمله المتقن في أحد الميادين الفنية التي تعرّف الثقافة اليابانية مثل الصناعات التقليدية.. وبالطبع تكريمه بصفة تفوق المعتاد.

وفي غضون أقل من نصف قرن تشكلت قائمة لا تفوق حاليا مائة شخص، تضمّ عمالا وعاملات في قطاعات فنية، أحيانا جدّ هامشية، لكنها تلعب دورا هاما في هوية الأمة اليابانية ويمكن اعتبارهم أعضاء جديرين بأصدق وأشرف أرستقراطية.

إنه تقليد رائع لم تأخذه عن اليابان لحدّ الآن إلا كوريا وتايوان وتايلند وحاولت اليونسكو أن تتبناه وأن تعممه في العالم بغية الحفاظ على كل تراث فني أصيل مهدد بالضياع. ألا يقول مثل أفريقي إن موت بعض الشيوخ كاحتراق مكتبة.

صحيح أن هذا التكريم الخارق للعادة لا يشمل إلا صنفا معينا من الأعمال الفنية ذات العلاقة الوثيقة بالتراث التقليدي، لكن لنتأمل بعض المعاني التي تزخر بها ظاهرة الكنوز البشرية الحية.

هي دلالة على حقائق جعلتها ممكنة ومنها أن هناك:
- تقديس الأمة اليابانية للعمل والعطاء.

- ترصّدها للبحث عنه ومكافأته.

- تمثيلها من قبل دولة لا تخشى من إعطاء لقب كهذا يضع المكرّم فوق كل رجل سياسي وربما حتى فوق الإمبراطور.

- إرادتها رفعةَ من رفعوها خاصة إذا كانوا أشخاصا متواضعين ومغمورين ولم يسعوا للشهرة وإنما أفنوا أعمارهم في خدمة ثقافتها وهم لا يعون حتى بخطورة ما يفعلون.

- انتباهها لضرورة وصول التكريم والاعتراف للشخص قبل فوات الأوان وألا يموت الشيخ الجليل بالحسرة في الفؤاد ليمضغ وهو ميت عنقود العنب الذي رفضت له حبة واحدة منه وهو حيّ.

- فخرها واعتزازها بهؤلاء المبدعين ووعيها بأهميتهم في تواصلها وعظمتها.

- أخيرا لا آخرا حثّها على الخلق والإبداع والرسالة داخل الرسالة: قوموا بواجبكم تجاهنا نحن الأمة وسنقوم بواجبنا نحوكم إذا اتضح أنكم أحسن أبنائها.

كيف نستغرب بعد هذا تفجّر الطاقات وكيف لا تكون اليابان من أولى الدول والشعوب في كل الميادين، علما بالطبع بأن مبدأ الاعتراف والمكافأة والتكريم الكبير قائم في كل الميادين، حتى وإن لم يتخذ صبغة تكاد تكون من قبيل التقديس كما هو الحال في الكنوز البشرية الحية؟

"
الرسالة التي تريد الأنظمة توصيلها لنا بعدم تكريمها لكنوزنا الحية: لا نقدّر ولا نحترم أحدا ولا يكبر في أعيننا كبير ولا نستحيي من سجن عجوز في الثمانين فانتبهوا لحالكم
"

انظر وضع هيثم المالح مقارنة مع اليابانيين المذكورين أعلاه. لنذكّر مرة أخرى أن الرجل بلغ ثمانين حولا ولم يسأم –من النضال عن شعبه وأمته- وكل جريمته ما سمي في سوريا إطالة اللسان... اللسان الذي هددني على مرأى ومسمع من الملايين لواء مخابرات مصري بقطعه، لأن أسيادنا أينما كانوا لا يطيقون نقدا. تأمّل المعاني المضمنة في سجن مريض في الثمانين، سبق أن قضى في ضيافة النظام السوري ست سنوات.

الرسائل المراد توصيلها كالآتي:

- لا نقدّر ولا نحترم أحدا ولا يكبر في أعيننا كبير ولا نستحيي من سجن عجوز في الثمانين فانتبهوا لحالكم.

-لا قيمة لأي شخص فيكم بما يقدم إلا إذا كان ما يقدمه لنا، لأننا نحن الوطن ومن ضدنا آليا ضد الأرض والتاريخ والشعب والأجيال القادمة.

- لا نريد عطاء ولا بذلا إلا الذي يصب في مصلحتنا والبقية شغلكم.

- لا وجود لكنز بشري إلا القائد الملهم الفذ الذي لم تجد بمثله الأقدار وكل ما عداه من ضمن الألف كأفّ.

تقول المقارنة لا تجوز فاليابان تكرّم فنانين تقليديين لا سياسيين أو مناضلي حقوق الإنسان وهيثم المالح ليس رساما على الخزف أو خطاطا على خشب الأبنوس لحشره في موضوع كهذا.

اعتراض وجيه يقابله اعتراضان نتمنى أن يكونا وجيهين أيضا.

الأول أنه لا شيء يشابه التكريم الياباني يتلقاه حرفيو فاس وحلب والقاهرة، في ميادين فنية مثل الخط والرسم والنقش والسجاد إلخ.

من منكم سمع يوما بعاملة في مصانع السجاد بالقيروان ابتدعت أجمل اللوحات الفنية، لم يعرف قيمتها إلا السياح الأجانب وعرفت تكريما كالذي عرفته "جونوكوشي ميي" التي دخلت سنة 1955 قائمة الخالدين والخالدات في الثقافة اليابانية؟ القاعدة أن كل فنانة مبدعة في فن السجاد، تموت بعد أن أكل العمل المضني عمرها وعينيها دون أن تجني منه إلا ما يسدّ رمقها ورمق أطفالها.

ثم من سمع منكم بأن أهل المهن الفنية يتابعون بنشاط كل مبدع ومبدعة ويتفقون على ترشيحه للتكريم ولا يبقى على الدولة إلا التنفيذ؟

أغلب أهل الصناعات التقليدية والفنون المرتبطة بها يعيشون بقرب المزابل في أزقة مدننا العتيدة يجاهدون لبيع بعض البضاعة للسياح، من أجل البقاء على قيد الحياة.

وحتى عندما يتمّ تكريم بعض الكتاب أو الفنانين فهو مجرد إجراء شكلي تمنّ فيه دولة لا شرعية ببعض الفتات من الاعتراف، على من أظهروا لها الولاء الكافي. ثم استغربوا بعد هذا الكساد الفكري والفني في وطننا العربي والحال أنه لم يثبت لحدّ الآن أن للدماغ الياباني ضعف الخلايا في الدماغ العربي.

الاعتراض الثاني أنه لا شيء يمنعنا من توسيع مفهوم "الكنز البشري الحيّ" إلى كل المبدعين أيا كان مجال خدمتهم للمجموعة الوطنية من الرسم على البلوّر أو المحافظة على أقدم طريقة في تزيين ملابس العرس، إلى العطاء في ميادين العلم والأدب والسياسة... بالطبع كل هذا يوم يصبح للشعوب العربية دول وللدول العربية شعوب وتردم الهوة بينهما بالشيء الذي تبخر متسببا في معاناتنا جميعا: الاحترام المتبادل.

"
يجب أن لا ننتظر من دول لا تخدم إلا عصابات وعائلات, التعرّف على كنوزنا البشرية الحية وتكريمهم قبل خطب التأبين الرائعة والعبثية
"

والآن كفى بكاء ونحيبا على حالنا. يجب تغيير ما بأنفسنا كما أُمرنا بذلك من أحسن آمر. لنستبطن أن هيثم المالح، مثل الصادق شورو في السجون التونسية ومناضلي الحرية في السجون العربية، ليس ضحية وإنما أسير حرب... أن الحقوق تفتكّ ولا تعطى... أن واحدا من حقوقنا التي يجب أن نمارسها -لا أن ننتظرها دوما من دول لا تخدم إلا عصابات وعائلات- هو التعرّف على كنوزنا البشرية الحية وتكريمهم قبل خطب التأبين الرائعة والعبثية.

نعم بانتظار أن تكون لنا دول مهمتها تحفيز الطاقات الهائلة التي تنضح بها مجتمعاتنا وليس إجهاضها... وبانتظار أن تكون لنا حكومات تعرف أن الزمردة لا ترمى في المزبلة أو في سجن وإنما توضع أينما يجب أن توضع الكنوز... ولأن كل طريق طويل يبدأ بخطوة والغيث النافع بقطرة، فهل تسمحون لي باسمكم جميعا أن أرشح هيثم المالح للقب كنز عربي حيّ، وأن نكرمه كلنا هذا اليوم في عقولنا وقلوبنا

U.S. warns Lebanon against Ahmadinejad visit to South

2010-10-09T11:31:00.000-07:00

(Reuters) - The State Department said on Tuesday it had warned the Lebanese government about the risks of a visit by Iran's president to Lebanon next week.

Lebanese officials expect President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran, a staunch ally the Lebanese Shi'ite group Hezbollah which dominates southern Lebanon and which the United States views as a terrorist organization, to visit Beirut on October 13-14.

Ahmadinejad's visit is his first to Lebanon as president and comes at a time of greater tension in Beirut in the run up to indictments expected to be issued against Hezbollah members in the 2005 assassination of statesman Rafik al-Hariri.

Lebanon's largest parliamentary bloc, the Western-backed "March 14" coalition, voiced concern last week about the visit, saying Ahmedinejad regards Lebanon as "an Iranian base on the Mediterranean."

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton raised the issue of Ahmadinejad's proposed visit when she met Lebanese President Michel Suleiman in New York last month on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly.

"We expressed our concern about it given that Iran, through its association with groups like Hezbollah, is actively undermining Lebanon's sovereignty," State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley told reporters at his daily briefing.

"But ... we respect that these are judgments for (the) Lebanese government to make," he added.

Sunni Arab countries are concerned about Shi'ite Iran's rising influence in the region, through its proxies of Hezbollah in Lebanon and Sunni Islamist Hamas in the Gaza Strip.

Lebanese political sources have said they expect Ahmadinejad to meet Hezbollah politicians and visit Bint Jbeil, a bastion of Hezbollah and a border village that was heavily bombed during the Israeli-Hezbollah war in 2006.

Iran is embroiled in a long-running dispute with the West over its controversial nuclear program, that has sparked rumors of planned Israeli or U.S. military strikes to deter it from acquiring nuclear weapons.

Iran says its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.

U.S. commanders have warned that military strikes against Iran could spark retaliatory action by Tehran and its allies like Hezbollah and Hamas that could destabilize the region.

Lebanon row over Ahmadinejad visit - Middle East - Al Jazeera English

2010-10-09T11:30:00.000-07:00

Lebanon row over Ahmadinejad visit - Middle East - Al Jazeera English

Ahmadinejad's visit comes amid speculations that Hezbollah might be indicted in Hariri's assassination case [AFP]

Lebanon’s largest parliamentary bloc has expressed concerns at a planned visit of the Iranian president to the country on October 13.

In a statement issued on Friday, the March 14 alliance described Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's upcoming visit as a "provocation."

The Iranian president is scheduled to hold talks with his counterpart, Michel Sleiman, who invited him, as well as Prime Minister Saad Hariri and parliament speaker Nabih Berri.

Ahmadinejad is also due to meet with Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of the Shia group Hezbollah, a key ally whose powerful party is widely considered a proxy of Iran.

The Iranian president is expected to tour the predominantly Shia southern Lebanon.

Message to Israel

The leaders of the March 14 coalition believe that Iran is using Lebanon in its confrontation with the West and Israel, and that Ahmadinejad’s visit is meant to a message to Israel.

"The message is that Iran is at the border with Israel," said Fares Souaid, coordinator of the March 14 alliance.

In The News (ITN): Islamic World Newswire; Muslim World News: Should we fear Islam?

2010-10-08T14:19:00.000-07:00

In The News (ITN): Islamic World Newswire; Muslim World News: Should we fear Islam?: "Should we fear Islam?By Congressman Keith Ellison At a time when our nation is seeing a rise in intolerant behavior, crossing every cultural..."

U.S. Department of Justice visitors tell Muslims they have their back in the Murfreesboro mosque dispute

2010-10-07T08:49:00.001-07:00

Danger Zoning

by STEPHEN GEORGE

Over the summer months, Muslims in Murfreesboro — for three decades a virtually silent minority and a sliver of the city's population — have endured challenge after challenge to their fundamental right to build a house of worship. The latest comes in the form of a trial that started Sept. 27 in Rutherford County Chancery Court, where three aggrieved citizens and their attorney, Joe Brandon Jr., are fighting the proposed expansion of the Islamic Center of Murfreesboro.

On their side, the plaintiffs have allies such as Frank Gaffney Jr., president of the conservative think-tank Center for Security Policy. Gaffney told the court he is not an expert on Sharia law, which made skeptics wonder why he was on hand "to warn this community of seditious acts of Sharia law." But on Sept. 28, the same day Gaffney was giving the Chancery Court a non-expert crash course in Islamic conspiracy theory, local Muslim leaders were quietly receiving encouragement from an unexpected guest: the U.S. Department of Justice.

Thomas Perez, assistant U.S. attorney general for civil rights, spent the day making house calls in Middle Tennessee, assuring Muslim leaders — including the imams of the Murfreesboro mosque and the Islamic Center of Nashville — that his office has their back if it turns out that opponents aren't as interested in zoning esoterica as they are in sidelining the practice of Islam in Murfreesboro.

"Basically, what we're being told is that if there's any civil violation of the rights of the Muslim community here, they'll step in," says Abdou Kattih, vice president of the Islamic Center of Murfreesboro, who also met with government officials.

It makes sense that the feds would arrive in Murfreesboro, where Muslims who have lived and worshipped without incident for three decades suddenly find themselves eyed as some kind of sleeper cell. Their most fervid opponents — including Nashville-based lobbyist Laurie Cardoza-Moore and a posse of web prowlers playing connect-the-dots on Google — seem to think the mosque's congregation (like all the others) is biding its time until radical Islam makes its move.

Their contention, as expressed in part two of the lawsuit — to which Cardoza-Moore is not a party; her strategy has been to stir and step back — is that the Islamic Center of Murfreesboro's endgame is to subjugate Middle Tennessee to the grisliest, most extreme tenets of Islam's holy Sharia law.

"Sharia law is jihad," attorney Brandon told the Murfreesboro court last week. "We believe there is a direct connection to the ICM [Islamic Center of Murfreesboro]. Sharia says the U.S. Constitution is suitable for toilet paper."

The Murfreesboro mosque's worshippers, however, suggest that alarmist warnings about Sharia rule in Middle Tennessee are what should be printed on Charmin.

"It's ridiculous," says Kattih. "If you look at our members, we're a system of government. Everything is done through certain government systems. Our congregation is less than 1 percent of the population in this area. How can we possibly impose anything on the government?"

Mohammad Ahmed Al-Sherif, imam of the Islamic Center of Nashville, says it is reassuring in a time of fear and anxiety for Middle Tennessee Muslims to have the fully expressed backing of the U.S. government.

"They said they extend the commitment to protect the religious freedom of this country without anybody being discriminated against or harassed from this group or that group," he says. "We never had a question about our government [being there]. We always trusted them. It's very nice to hear this message, and their commitment and reminding us of our rights. It's very important, I would say, that we hear this."

The Department of Justice conversations took place almost 10 years to the day after President Bill Clinton signed into effect a law that would protect religious organizations from discrimination in local zoning matters. Greeted with bipartisan support and agreement from frequently opposed groups, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act was the federal government's response to an insidious new form of bigotry and subjugation — a tactic worming its way around both the Constitution and existing anti-discrimination laws.

In the mid-1990s, reports surfaced that local zoning boards throughout the country — driven by ideology, not urban planning — were starting to deny permits to minority religious groups who sought to build or expand their worship facilities. Denying a permit on religious grounds is, of course, unconstitutional. But procedural arcana proved just as effective for turning away unwanted religious neighbors.

Especially those without numbers on their side. In a series of nine hearings held over three years, Congress found that half the incidents concerned faith groups who collectively make up only 9 percent of the population.

Perez says it's common for the justice department to make its presence felt in a discriminatory environment, if only to remind those under siege that laws like the Religious Land Use Act exist. American Muslims have been a particular target during the past year. According to a recent justice department report, of the 18 complaints under the land-use law that the government has monitored since Sept. 11, 2001, eight have come since May.

"We have seen a spike in the zoning confrontations, in efforts to keep mosques and the like from being built," Perez says.

Perez and Jerry Martin, U.S. Attorney for the Middle District of Tennessee, say that federal enforcement of existing civil rights laws is crucial, citing a recent precedent close to home. Under the 1996 Church Arson Prevention Act — itself the swift legislative response to a rash of arsons against black churches in the 1990s — the government successfully prosecuted the perpetrators of an arson that claimed the Islamic Center of Columbia, Tenn., in 2008.

That's precisely the kind of activity, Perez says, that his office monitors — and it has been on the rise. In February, vandals spray-painted graffiti on Nashville's Al-Farooq Mosque near the fairgrounds. Even now, the FBI and ATF continue to investigate the burning of construction equipment Aug. 28 at the mosque site in Rutherford County. The fire has been ruled arson.

"It was a very sobering meeting to listen to Murfreesboro leaders describe the climate of fear that they're living in," Perez tells the Scene.

The current legal attack on the proposed mosque expansion is far less dramatic. Several months ago, the Islamic Center of Murfreesboro asked permission from the Rutherford County Planning Commission to build a 52,900-square-foot facility on Veals Road, just outside the Murfreesboro city limits. The commission granted the permit unanimously.

Typically, a public meeting notice must be widely circulated in advance of a hearing. When rumors of a legal challenge stirred a month ago, however, Doug Demosi, county planning director, explained to the Scene that because of state law, the mosque was not subject to the same kind of public hearing process that non-religious facilities must undergo.

Nevertheless, the plaintiffs contend that the commission did not properly alert the public of the hearing it held May 24, when it gave final approval for the facility. They accuse the commission of violating the state's open meetings act.

But as the heated rhetoric from Brandon and Frank Gaffney made clear, this is not a debate about proper procedure. It's a line drawn in the sand against Sharia law — a poorly understood concept that, like many poorly understood concepts, makes a handy all-purpose bogeyman of a buzz term.

The mainstream version of the Muslim faith — the kind practiced in Murfreesboro — neither requests nor requires the faithful to overthrow other forms of governance, much as today's conventional Christians are not called to crusade. In Islam, Sharia is the sacred law derived from the Prophet Mohammed, and it governs all aspects of Muslim life, including prayer and family rituals.

There is much debate in the Muslim world over the implementation of Sharia law and how to balance religion with secular government.

"Sharia law tells us we obey the law of the land where we live," says Ahmed, of Nashville. "The only difference, I think, in my opinion, between Sharia law and the American law is that Sharia, for us, is divine. The Constitution is human. That's it."

According to a 2009 report by the Council on Foreign Relations, while critics of Islam home in on the most controversial aspects of Sharia — overt sexism and corporal punishment, on highest display in countries such as Saudi Arabia — most Muslim scholars believe changing times should usher new interpretations of Islamic law. It's a curious parallel to many Americans' evolving views of the Constitution, another relatively ancient document run through a thoroughly modernized world.

"There is no contradiction between Islam and the U.S. Constitution," Kattih says.

In fact, most times American law intersects with religion of any kind, it is to protect the religious from intolerance. In 2009, the U.S. justice department sued (and eventually settled with) Metro government after local officials changed zoning laws to keep Christian-based Teen Challenge from building a residential drug treatment facility. In April 2005, the civil rights division sued the city of Hollywood, Fla., for denying a building permit for an Orthodox Jewish synagogue in a residential neighborhood. The city wound up paying $2 million in damages and attorneys' fees.

After the city of Garden Grove, Calif., denied a Buddhist group's request to convert a former mechanical building into a temple in 2007, the justice department investigated. It halted its query earlier this year, when the city finally relented. And in Berkeley, Ill., a congregation seeking to expand its mosque and accommodate its growing population was denied the appropriate permit until the department investigated. The township granted the permit in March 2008.

The Murfreesboro trial resumes Oct. 20. In the meantime, understanding is at a low ebb. Muslim, Sharia, terrorist — these terms are starting to blur so insistently in the public mind as to be indistinguishable. Yet they require the same distinctions that make all Christians not Koran-burning buffoons with Civil War mustaches, or all Americans not greed-crazy warmongers.

"During times of uncertainty in our nation's history, people often look for scapegoats," Thomas Perez says.

Evidently, we are uncertain.

US apologizes for infecting Guatemalans with STDs in the 1940s

2010-10-01T13:06:00.000-07:00

By the CNN Wire Staff

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

NEW: Guatemala accepts the apology, the presidential spokesman said
Guatemalan leaders have been told and are concerned, a U.S. official
The United States is launching an investigation, officials said
The research was "reprehensible," the U.S. statement said

Washington (CNN) -- The United States apologized Friday for a 1946-1948 research study that purposely infected people in Guatemala with sexually transmitted diseases.

A statement by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Secretary of Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius called the action "reprehensible."

"We deeply regret that it happened, and we apologize to all the individuals who were affected by such abhorrent research practices," the joint statement said. "The conduct exhibited during the study does not represent the values of the United States, or our commitment to human dignity and great respect for the people of Guatemala."

Clinton called Guatemalan President Alvaro Colom on Thursday night to inform him, said Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela.

"They were obviously concerned about this information. They were saddened by it," Valenzuela said in a telephone news conference Friday.

Guatemalan officials took into account that the experiments occurred more than 60 years ago, Valenzuela said.

"We reject these types of actions, obviously," said Guatemala presidential spokesman Ronaldo Robles. "We know that this took place some time ago, but this is unacceptable and we recognize the apology from Secretary Clinton."

The study came to light recently when Wellesley College researcher Susan Reverby found the archived but unpublished notes from the project.

The scientific investigation, called the U.S. Public Health Service Sexually Transmitted Disease Inoculation Study of 1946-1948, aimed to gauge the effectiveness of penicillin to treat syphilis, gonorrhea and chancres. Penicillin was a relatively new drug at the time.

The tests were carried out on female commercial sex workers, prisoners in the national penitentiary, patients in the national mental hospital and soldiers. According to the study, more than 1,600 people were infected: 696 with syphilis, 772 with gonorrhea and 142 with chancres.

A similar study was conducted between 1932 and 1972 in Tuskegee, Alabama, on nearly 400 poor African-American men with syphilis whose disease was allowed to progress without treatment. The subjects were not told they were ill with the disease.

The Guatemala study was done under the direction of U.S. Public Health Service physician John C. Cutler, who later ran the Tuskegee experiment, said Dr. Francis Collins, director of the National Institutes for Health.

Collins, who called the Guatemala study "a dark chapter in the history of medicine," spoke at the same teleconference in which Valenzuela made his remarks.

U.S. officials stressed Friday that ethical safeguards would prevent such abuses from occurring today.

"The study is a sad reminder that adequate human subject safeguards did not exist a half-century ago," the U.S. statement said. "Today, the regulations that govern U.S.-funded human medical research prohibit these kinds of appalling violations."

Clinton and Sebelius said the United States is launching an investigation and also convening a group of international experts to review and report on the most effective methods to make sure all human medical research worldwide meets rigorous ethical standards.

"As we move forward to better understand this appalling event, we reaffirm the importance of our relationship with Guatemala, and our respect for the Guatemalan people, as well as our commitment to the highest standards of ethics in medical research," the U.S. statement said.

CNN's Arthur Brice and Nick Valencia contributed to this report.

Find this article at:
http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/10/01/us.guatemala.apology/index.html

Afghan Equality and Law, but With Strings Attached

2010-09-27T14:50:00.001-07:00

By Rod Nordland

KABUL, Afghanistan — It was an engaging idea.

Hundreds of children would gather on the iconic Nader Khan Hill in the capital, Kabul, on a gorgeous Friday in September and fly kites emblazoned with slogans lauding the rule of law and equality for women. The kites, along with copies of the Afghan Constitution and justice-themed comic books, would be gifts of the United States, part of a $35 million effort “to promote the use of Afghanistan’s formal justice system.”

“The mere portrait of 500 kites soaring in the winds, against a backdrop of beautiful mountain ranges, is enough to instill hope in even the most disheartened observer of the war-torn country,” said a promotional release for the festival, organized by an American contractor for the United States Agency for International Development.

What could possibly go wrong?

Almost everything but the wind.

For starters, Afghan policemen hijacked the event, stealing dozens of kites for themselves and beating children with sticks when they crowded too close to the kite distribution tent. To be fair, the children were a little unruly, but they were also small.

Sometimes the officers just threatened them with sticks, and other times slapped them in the face or whacked them with water bottles. “I told them to stop the policemen from taking the kites,” said Shakila Faqeeri, a communications adviser for the contractor, DPK Consulting.

But the policemen appeared to ignore her. Asked why one of his officers was loading his truck with kites, Maj. Farouk Wardak, head of the criminal investigation division of the 16th Police District, said, “It’s okay, he’s not just a policeman, he’s my bodyguard.”

The District 16 police chief, Col. Haji Ahmad Fazli, insisted on taking over from the American contractors the job of passing out the kites. He denied that his men were kite thieves. “We are not taking them,” he said. “We are flying them ourselves.”

At least he had not lost sight of the event’s goal. “It is so people can understand the rule of law, and it lets the kids get together instead of wandering on the streets,” he said.

It was not clear that the children had a much better grasp of the concept, but some did manage to get kites and were flying them, irregularly shaped patches of color soaring to impressive heights.

Most bore messages about the importance of gender equality, but there was hardly a girl with a kite, although plenty of girls were around. One DPK staff member pushed through the crowd to give 10-year-old Shaqila Nabi a kite; her sister Farzana, 8, had wanted one, too, but a policeman had just swung at her with a stick and she had darted out of harm’s way, and out of sight.

Shaqila raced back to her father, Gul Nabi, a horse wrangler peddling rides. He promptly took the kite and gave it to a boy.

“He is my son and he should get the kite,” he said.

The law and justice comic books were also a big hit. Some of the boys snatched them up and hid them under their shirts so they could come back for more. At one point, fed-up policemen, most of whom cannot read, just tossed piles of them in the dirt.

Mike Sheppard, the DPK project head, pronounced the event a success. “We just gave out a thousand kites in 20 minutes,” he said.

But another DPK staff member, Abdul Manem Danish, stood watching the kite thievery and casual police brutality with disdain. His job was to administer a “kite event effectiveness survey” at the end to see if the festival had affected anyone’s attitudes about justice.

“That’s not a very good example of rule of law,” he said. “Maybe it is the nature of these people that needs to be changed.”

Gaza flotilla attack: UN report condemns Israeli 'brutality'

2010-09-22T14:57:00.000-07:00

UN Human Rights Council accuses Israel of a 'disproportionate' response to Gaza blockade-breakers, nine of whom died

Haroon Siddique
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 22 September 2010 22.14 BST
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An Israeli army military vessel enters the port of Ashdod in May amid reports of deaths on the blockade-breaking flotilla. Photograph: Jack Guez/AFP/Getty Images

A UN-appointed panel said today that Israeli forces violated international law, "including international humanitarian and human rights law", during and after their lethal attack on a flotilla of ships attempting to break the blockade of Gaza in May.

The UN Human Rights Council's fact-finding mission judged Israel's naval blockade of the Palestinian territory to be "unlawful" because there was a humanitarian crisis in Gaza at the time.

The panel's report, published today, described Israel's military response to the flotilla as "disproportionate" and said it "betrayed an unacceptable level of brutality".

Eight Turkish activists and one Turkish-American were killed in the raid, which prompted international criticism of both the attack and Israel's policy of blockading the Gaza Strip. Israel has since eased its embargo, although still refuses to allow full imports and exports and the free movement of people.

Israel says the soldiers acted in self-defence. But the mission criticised the Israeli government for failing to co-operate with its inquiry. "Regrettably to date, no information has been given to the mission by or on behalf of the government of Israel," it said.

The panel was led by Karl Hudson-Phillips, a retired judge of the international criminal court and former attorney general of Trinidad and Tobago.

The report said: "The conduct of the Israeli military and other personnel towards the flotilla passengers was not only disproportionate to the occasion but demonstrated levels of totally unnecessary and incredible violence. It betrayed an unacceptable level of brutality. Such conduct cannot be justified or condoned on security or any other grounds. It constituted grave violations of human rights law and international humanitarian law."

The panel concluded that there was "clear evidence" of wilful killing, torture or inhuman treatment and wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health – all crimes under the Geneva Convention.

The panel expressed the hope that there would be "swift action" by the Israeli government to help victims achieve effective remedies. "The mission sincerely hopes that no impediment will be put in the way of those who suffered loss as a result of the unlawful actions of the Israeli military to be compensated adequately and promptly," it said. It described the blockade of Gaza as "totally intolerable and unacceptable in the 21st century".

The Israeli government has fiercely resisted demands for an independent international inquiry into the flotilla attacks, establishing three internal investigations to avert pressure from the UN, Europe and Turkey.

A DEFENSE OF FREE SPEECH BY AMERICAN AND CANADIAN MUSLIMS

2010-09-22T10:43:00.000-07:00

We, the undersigned, unconditionally condemn any intimidation or threats of violence directed against any individual or group exercising the rights of freedom of religion and speech; even when that speech may be perceived as hurtful or reprehensible.

We are concerned and saddened by the recent wave of vitriolic anti-Muslim and anti-Islamic sentiment that is being expressed across our nation.

We are even more concerned and saddened by threats that have been made against individual writers, cartoonists, and others by a minority of Muslims. We see these as a greater offense against Islam than any cartoon, Qur'an burning, or other speech could ever be deemed.

We affirm the right of free speech for Molly Norris, Matt Stone, Trey Parker, and all others including ourselves.

As Muslims, we must set an example of justice, patience, tolerance, respect, and forgiveness.

The Qur'an enjoins Muslims to:

bear witness to Islam through our good example (2:143);
restrain anger and pardon people (3:133-134 and 24:22);
remain patient in adversity (3186);
stand firmly for justice (4:135);
not let the hatred of others swerve us from justice (5:8);
respect the sanctity of life (5:32);
turn away from those who mock Islam (6:68 and 28:55);
hold to forgiveness, command what is right, and turn away from the ignorant (7:199);
restrain ourselves from rash responses (16:125-128);
pass by worthless talk with dignity (25:72); and
repel evil with what is better (41:34).

Islam calls for vigorous condemnation of both hateful speech and hateful acts, but always within the boundaries of the law. It is of the utmost importance that we react, not out of reflexive emotion, but with dignity and intelligence, in accordance with both our religious precepts and the laws of our country.

We uphold the First Amendment of the US Constitution and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Both protect freedom of religion and speech, because both protections are fundamental to defending minorities from the whims of the majority.

We therefore call on all Muslims in the United States, Canada and abroad to refrain from violence. We should see the challenges we face today as an opportunity to sideline the voices of hate-not reward them with further attention-by engaging our communities in constructive dialogue about the true principles of Islam, and the true principles of democracy, both of which stress the importance of freedom of religion and tolerance.

SIGNATORIES:

Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad, PhD, Director, Minaret of Freedom Foundation
Prof. Akbar S. Ahmed, PhD, Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies, American University
Prof. Parvez Ahmed, PhD, Fulbright Scholar & Assoc. Prof. University of North Florida
Wajahat Ali, playwright, journalist, and producer of "Domestic Crusaders"
Sumbul Ali-Karamali, JD, LLM (Islamic Law), author of "The Muslim Next Door"
Salam al-Marayati, Pres., Muslim Public Affairs Council (MPAC)
Shahed Amanullah, Editor-in-Chief, Altmuslim
Shahid Athar, M.D., Editor, Islam-USA
Hazami Barmada, Pres, American Muslim Interactive Network (AMIN)
M. Ali Chaudry, PhD, President, Center for Understanding Islam (CUII)
Robert D. Crane, JD
Mohamed Elsanousi, Director of Communications and Community Outreach for the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA)
Mona Eltahawy, journalist
Prof. Mohammad Fadel, PhD
Hesham Hassaballa, M.D., author, journalist, blogger - "God, faith, and a pen"
Arsalan Iftikhar, author, human rights lawyer, blogger - "The Muslim Guy"
Jeffrey Imm, Director, Responsible for Equality And Liberty (R.E.A.L.)
Prof. Muqtedar Khan, PhD, author of several books, Blogger - "Globalog"
M. Junaid Levesque-Alam, writer, blogger - "Crossing the Crescent"
David Liepert, M.D., blogger and author of "Muslim, Christian AND Jew"
Radwan A. Masmoudi, PhD, President, Center for the Study of Islam & Democracy (CSID)
Melody Moezzi, JD, MPH, writer and attorney
Daniel Abdal-Hayy Moore, author of many books of poetry
Sheila Musaji, Editor, The American Muslim (TAM)
Aziz H. Poonawalla, PhD, scientist and blogger - "City of Brass" on Beliefnet.com
Hasan Zillur Rahim, PhD, journalist
Prof. Hussein Rashid, PhD, blogger - "Religion Dispatches"
Robert Salaam, blogger - "The American Muslim"
Tayyibah Taylor, Editor, Azizah Magazine
Amina Wadud, PhD, consultant on Islam and gender, visiting scholar Starr King School for the Ministry
G. Willow Wilson, author of "Butterfly Mosque" and "Air" graphic novel series

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State Board of Education wants more negative views of Islam

2010-09-15T06:41:00.000-07:00

AUSTIN, Texas — The State Board of Education next week is expected to consider what students should learn about Islam.

The Dallas Morning News reported Wednesday that the board will consider a resolution warning publishers not to push a pro-Islamic, anti-Christian viewpoint in world history textbooks.

Members of the board's social conservative bloc have asked for the resolution. A preliminary draft says "diverse reviewers have repeatedly documented gross pro-Islamic, anti-Christian distortions in social studies texts" across the U.S.

A spokeswoman for a religious freedom group, the Texas Freedom Network, says no textbooks cited by resolution sponsors are being used in Texas. Kathy Miller says current books offer a balanced treatment of the world's religions.

Source: http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/ap/tx/7201639.html

During war there are no civilians

2010-09-10T10:10:00.001-07:00

Sitting in on the Rachel Corrie trial alarmingly reveals an open Israeli policy of indiscrimination towards civilians.

Nora Barrows-Friedman Last Modified: 08 Sep 2010 15:28 GMT

Rachel Corrie's plight symbolised the ruthless policy of Israeli demolition of Palestinian homes in the social psyche of millions of people outside of the West Bank and Gaza Strip [Getty Images]

"During war there are no civilians," that’s what “Yossi,” an Israeli military (IDF) training unit leader simply stated during a round of questioning on day two of the Rachel Corrie trials, held in Haifa’s District Court earlier this week. “When you write a [protocol] manual, that manual is for war,” he added.

For the human rights activists and friends and family of Rachel Corrie sitting in the courtroom, this open admission of an Israeli policy of indiscrimination towards civilians -- Palestinian or foreign -- created an audible gasp.

Yet, put into context, this policy comes as no surprise. The Israeli military’s track record of insouciance towards the killings of Palestinians, from the 1948 massacre of Deir Yassin in Jerusalem to the 2008-2009 attacks on Gaza that killed upwards of 1400 men, women and children, has illustrated that not only is this an entrenched operational framework but rarely has it been challenged until recently.

Rachel Corrie, the young American peace activist from Olympia, Washington, was crushed to death by a Caterpillar D9-R bulldozer, as she and other members of the nonviolent International Solidarity Movement attempted to protect a Palestinian home from imminent demolition on March 16, 2003 in Rafah, Gaza Strip. Corrie has since become a symbol of Palestinian solidarity as her family continues to fight for justice in her name.

Her parents, Cindy and Craig Corrie, filed a civil lawsuit against the State of Israel for Rachel’s unlawful killing -- what they allege was an intentional act -- and this round of testimonies called by the State’s defense team follows the Corries’ witness testimonies last March. The Corries’ lawsuit charges the State with recklessness and a failure to take appropriate measures to protect human life, actions that violate both Israeli and international laws.

Witnesses insisted that the bulldozer driver couldn’t see Rachel Corrie from his perch. The State attorneys called three witnesses to the stand on Sunday and Monday to prove that the killing was unintentional and took place in an area designated as a “closed military zone.” Falling under the definition of an Act of War, their argument sought to absolve the soldiers of liability under Israeli law.

The Rachel Corrie trials focus on one incident, one moment, one death, one family’s grief. However it’s important to include the context within which the Israeli military operated on that day in March of 2003 in order to properly understand the gravity of the trial and the reverberations seven and a half years later.

Yossi, the military training leader, described the area where Corrie was killed as an “active war zone.” The State’s defense argues the same. Yet what was happening in Rafah that was so important to Corrie that she confronted a 4-meter high armored bulldozer in the first place?

According to statistics from Human Rights Watch, Israel had been expanding its so-called “buffer zone” at the southern Gaza border after the breakout of the second Palestinian intifada in late 2000. “By late 2002,” reports HRW, “after the destruction of several hundred houses in Rafah, the IDF began building an eight meter high metal wall along the border.”

The area that Israel designates as its buffer zone has since enveloped nearly 35% of agricultural land, according to anAugust 2010 report published by the United Nation’s Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). OCHA says that this policy has affected 113,000 Palestinians inside the Gaza strip over the last ten years as their farms, homes, and villages were intentionally erased from the map.

Rachel Corrie’s nonviolent action -- standing in front of the bulldozer in direct confrontation to this project -- cost her her life.

The home Rachel Corrie died trying to protect was razed, along with hundreds of others. The Gaza Strip remains a sealed ghetto. And countless Palestinian families have not seen justice waged in their favor after the deaths of their loved ones.

In 2005, an arrest warrant was issued against Major General Doron Almog -- a senior soldier in charge of Israel’s Southern Command -- by a British court related to the destruction of 59 homes in Rafah in
2002 under his authority. He was warned before boarding a flight to the UK that he could be arrested upon arrival, and canceled his trip.

Related to the Rachel Corrie case, Maj. Almog gave a direct order to the team of internal investigators to cut the investigations short, according to Israeli army documents obtained by Israeli daily Haaretz.

This indicates that the impunity of Israeli soldiers and policy-makers can -- and will -- be challenged in a court of law. And when the trials continue next month, the Corries will be back in the courtroom in anticipation of a long-sought justice for their daughter.